全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1521篇 |
免费 | 97篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 100篇 |
工人农民 | 58篇 |
世界政治 | 157篇 |
外交国际关系 | 143篇 |
法律 | 678篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 17篇 |
政治理论 | 442篇 |
综合类 | 22篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 22篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 48篇 |
2019年 | 63篇 |
2018年 | 69篇 |
2017年 | 78篇 |
2016年 | 71篇 |
2015年 | 56篇 |
2014年 | 80篇 |
2013年 | 232篇 |
2012年 | 66篇 |
2011年 | 64篇 |
2010年 | 51篇 |
2009年 | 68篇 |
2008年 | 61篇 |
2007年 | 55篇 |
2006年 | 53篇 |
2005年 | 49篇 |
2004年 | 49篇 |
2003年 | 39篇 |
2002年 | 41篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 29篇 |
1999年 | 17篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 17篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 24篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 9篇 |
1990年 | 11篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 7篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1618条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Christopher Phillips 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(2):357-376
This article challenges the sectarian narrative of Syria’s current civil war, which relies on several false assumptions about the nature of political identity. It first questions how sectarian the uprising and civil war actually are, suggesting that the conflict is ‘semi-sectarian’, given the multiple other fault lines of contention, notably class, ideology and other non-sect, sub-state ties. It then draws on the theoretical debates between primordialists, ethno-symbolists and modernists to historicise political identity development in Syria. In doing so, it reasserts the modernist case, emphasising how political identities in Syria, both national and sectarian, have developed in a complex interrelated manner in the modern era and how the recent violent mobilisation of sectarian identity is the result of long- and short-term structural, economic, socio-cultural and political factors rather than unchanging ancient animosities. Of these, the most vital remain structural changes and elite reactions to them, with the prospect of state collapse in Syria’s future the most likely cause of a descent into further sectarian chaos. 相似文献
992.
Rabinowitz and Macdonald (Am Polit Sci Rev 83(1):93–121, 1989) have advanced a directional theory of electoral choice that
stands as an alternative to the proximity models that have dominated thinking in this area for a number of years. In this
paper, we assess the utility of directional theory in another area of political behavior: the evaluation and influence of
politically significant others in an individual’s social environment. Using two datasets collected during presidential election
campaigns in 1984 and 1996, we find that respondents are more likely to evaluate their political discussants highly and be
influenced by discussant vote choice if they agree in a directional rather than proximity manner. In looking at agreement
on party identification, ideology, and issue positions, the directional model prevailed in 11 of 17 estimations, with neither
explanation acquiring empirical support in the other six. In no instance did the proximity model prevail as an explanation
of how political discussants relate to each other. We conclude by discussing the consequences of these results for political
behavior and practical electoral politics.
相似文献
Eric JennerEmail: |
993.
Paul Goren Christopher M. Federico Miki Caul Kittilson 《American journal of political science》2009,53(4):805-820
This article examines the conditions under which partisan identities shape the positions people express on four political values: equal opportunity, self-reliance, moral traditionalism, and moral tolerance. The theoretical framework posits that (1) party source cues activate latent partisan biases in the minds of citizens, which in turn affect the degree to which individuals express support for these values; (2) out-party cues are more powerful motivators of value expression than in-party cues; (3) value shifts are more pronounced when liberal-conservative identities reinforce partisan sentiments; and (4) partisan cues promote horizontal constraint among these values. These hypotheses are tested using data from a set of experiments appearing on a novel national survey. The empirical results generally support these theoretical expectations. 相似文献
994.
995.
Christopher Bennett 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2019,13(4):573-584
In this comment, I raise a number of concerns about David Shoemaker’s adoption of the quality of will approach in his recent book, Responsibility from the Margins. I am not sure that the quality of will approach is given an adequate grounding that defends it against alternative models of moral responsibility; and it is unclear what the argument is for Shoemaker’s tripartite version of the quality of will approach. One possibility that might fit with Shoemaker’s text is that the tripartite model is meant to be grounded in empirical claims about the structure of encapsulated emotions; but I argue that those empirical claims are not made out, and that regardless it is doubtful whether this is the most helpful model of the emotions to deploy in this context. In contrast, I propose that the quality of will approach is better defended in ethical terms, by reference to the vision of the value of living together as equals (in some sense) that is embodied in P.F. Strawson’s picture of the engaged attitude, and the emotions involved in it. 相似文献
996.
Why do frequently criticized input controls survive in the management of public spending while apparently more enlightened output/outcome controls come and go? The question matters, because output/outcome controls are often assumed in public financial management and related literature to lead to superior policy performance as compared with input-focused approaches. We tackle the question by applying qualitative push–pull analysis to compare one key type of input controls (administration cost [AC] controls) with one much-discussed form of output/outcome controls (performance targets linked to spending allocations) in one major country case, the United Kingdom, over two decades. Drawing on documents and in-depth interviews with 120 key political and bureaucratic players, we conclude that bureaucratic inertia at most only partially explains the survival of input AC controls in this case. The push/pull factors associated with the politics of blame and credit made the political players fair-weather output controllers but all-weather input controllers. 相似文献
997.
Guja Armannsdottir Stuart Carnell Christopher Pich 《Journal of Political Marketing》2020,19(1-2):74-106
This paper focuses on an under-researched and under-developed typology of political branding and conceptualizes politicians as personal political brands. Further, this study answers explicit calls for more research devoted to exploring the development of intended brand identity particularly from a brand creator perspective. Members of Parliament from the Republic of Iceland contextualizes this study. This qualitative case-study approach reveals how personal political brands create, construct and communicate their identity. Personal political brand identities were established and managed via a clear brand mantra and offline-online communication tools, which in turn revealed a degree of alignment with their party-political brand. However, this paper also demonstrates the challenges of managing the identities of personal political brands in terms of authenticity and integration particularly with coalition partners. Our paper builds on the six-staged analytical process of personal branding and proposes the Personal Political Brand Identity Appraisal Framework as an operational tool to introspectively evaluate personal political brand identity. This framework can be used by political actors across different settings and contexts to assess personal political brands from multiple perspectives. 相似文献
998.
Separating the commercialisation of agriculture from other programmes to improve access to formal credit for smallholder farmers is a source of dramatic failures of most programmes. Despite the popularity of value chain financing, livestock agriculture remains marginalised. This paper analyses the MAFISA-NERPO Livestock Credit Scheme, a scheme which provides value chain financial products in order to improve the cash incomes of smallholder farmers in South Africa. Evidence shows that more than 80% of participating farmers receive average annual incomes of US$30,000. This implies that this scheme has addressed those factors hindering effectiveness and efficiency of smallholder credit institutions, using value chain finance. 相似文献
999.
Christopher Phiri 《Commonwealth Law Bulletin》2019,45(4):752-772
On 7 December 2018, the Constitutional Court of Zambia delivered a judgment which has sparked controversy in the political arena. The judgement concerns the question of whether Zambia’s incumbent President, Edgar Lungu, is eligible for re-election as President in the general elections slated for 2021. The aim of this article is twofold: (1) to explore the rationale for the limitation of presidential terms in Zambia and (2) to annotate the Court’s judgment in light of that rationale. To achieve this aim, the analysis draws on various sources of literature and legal authorities bearing upon the subject. The analysis reveals that the limitation of presidential terms enjoys strong support among Zambians, and that this is justified by the need to facilitate alternation in the office of President to avert the emergency of autocracy which is associated with excessive concentration of power in the executive. As concerns the judgement at issue, the analysis finds that the Court implicitly declared Lungu eligible to contest the 2021 presidential election thereby allowing him a possibility to be re-elected to the office of President for a third term which, it is argued, undermines the law as understood in its context. 相似文献
1000.
Social Justice Research - The present study examines predictors of support for ethnicity-based affirmative action (AA) in college admissions. There is considerable work focused on predicting... 相似文献