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Maria Teresa Grasso Stephen Farrall Emily Gray Colin Hay Will Jennings 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2019,29(2):199-221
The role of political socialization in explaining disengagement from specific modes of activism beyond voting remains largely unexplored, limited to date by available data and methods. While most previous studies have tended to propose explanations for disengagement linked to specific repertoires of political action, we propose a unified theory based on the different socialization experiences of subsequent generations. We test this theory using a new dataset of collated waves of the British Social Attitudes Survey and by applying age–period–cohort models for repeated cross-sectional data and generalized additive models to identify generational effects. We show that generational effects underlie the participatory decline across repertoires. Consistent with our expectations, the results reveal that the generation of “Thatcher’s Children” are much less likely to engage in a range of repertoires of political action than “Wilson/Callaghan’s Children”, who came of age in the more politicized 1960s and 1970s. Significantly, and in line with our theoretical expectations, the “Blair’s Babies” generation is the least politically engaged of all. We reflect on these findings and highlight the concerning implications of falling levels of activism for advanced democracies. 相似文献
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Only in 1979, 1997 and 2001 have British general elections coincided with the annual local government elections. Uniquely, this study uses both survey and aggregate data to examine aspects of split-ticket voting at the simultaneous elections in 1979 and 1997. Through the use of bi- and multi-variate analysis, it suggests that ticket-splitting is a product of both voter attitudes and party strategies: although it is almost wholly confined to the less partisan, the electoral context in which those votes are being cast can play an additional and significant role in stimulating such behaviour. 相似文献
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Canadian researchers, especially feminists, have shown, that male violence against women in both intimate relationships and
public places is a significant social problem. Compared to the amount of rigorous work done on this important issue, an equally
if not more serious problem for women—corporateviolence—has been given little empirical, theoretical, and political attention
The primary purpose of this paper is to articulate how, some left realist survey techniques and policy proposals can contribute
to the study, prevention, and control of corporate violence against Canadian women in the industrial workplace. The authors
conclude this article by pointing to a few pitfalls of realism which must be add ressed before it can be effectively applied
in the Canadian context. 相似文献
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