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31.
This article presents a systematic review and meta-analysis of the effectiveness of anti-bullying programs in schools. Studies
were included if they evaluated the effects of an anti-bullying program by comparing an intervention group who received the
program with a control group who did not. Four types of research design were included: a) randomized experiments, b) intervention-control
comparisons with before-and-after measures of bullying, c) other intervention-control comparisons, and d) age-cohort designs.
Both published and unpublished reports were included. All volumes of 35 journals from 1983 up to the end of May 2009 were
hand-searched, as were 18 electronic databases. Reports in languages other than English were also included. A total of 622
reports concerned with bullying prevention were found, and 89 of these reports (describing 53 different program evaluations)
were included in our review. Of the 53 different program evaluations, 44 provided data that permitted the calculation of an
effect size for bullying or victimization. The meta-analysis of these 44 evaluations showed that, overall, school-based anti-bullying
programs are effective: on average, bullying decreased by 20–23% and victimization decreased by 17–20%. Program elements and
intervention components that were associated with a decrease in bullying and victimization were identified, based on feedback
from researchers about the coding of 40 out of 44 programs. More intensive programs were more effective, as were programs
including parent meetings, firm disciplinary methods, and improved playground supervision. Work with peers was associated
with an increase in victimization. It is concluded that the time is ripe to mount a new program of research on the effectiveness
of anti-bullying programs based on these findings. 相似文献
32.
33.
Objectives
The aim of this paper is to respond to the commentary of Peter K. Smith, Christina Salmivalli, and Helen Cowie (Journal of Experimental Criminology, 2012), who raise concerns regarding some of the findings of our systematic review and meta-analyses on the effectiveness of bullying prevention programs. They target three findings in particular: (1) the significant association of ??Work with Peers?? with greater victimization; (2) the significant association of ??Disciplinary Methods?? with less bullying perpetration and victimization; and (3) the age variations in effectiveness, suggesting larger effect sizes for older age students.Methods
We provide explicit information and further detailed analyses on the relationship between these features and effect sizes, including heterogeneity tests and results from weighted regression analyses. For one element in particular (work with peers), we present further research findings from evaluations conducted by Smith, Salmivalli, and Cowie (and also findings from other independent researchers) which support our previous findings. New within-program analyses to examine variations in effect sizes with the age of the students are also presented.Results
Evaluations conducted by Smith, Salmivalli and Cowie (and by other independent researchers) indicate the same research conclusions: although peer support schemes appear effective based on attitudinal surveys, these schemes are not related to actual levels of bullying or victimization and, in fact, are quite often related to an increase in bullying and victimization. Our definition of ??disciplinary methods?? did not include the zero-tolerance approach or any type of harsh discipline as suggested in the commentary. In all relevant cases, ??disciplinary methods?? included sanctions within a warm and loving framework, following the Olweus bullying prevention guidelines. While most programs that utilized firm disciplinary methods were inspired by Olweus, the relationship between disciplinary methods and less victimization was not driven by the Olweus program (which was not related to the victimization effect size). Larger effect sizes (i.e. reductions in bullying and victimization) for programs implemented with older students is a robust result also found in a more recent systematic review regarding the effects of anti-bullying programs on bystander intervention. In within-program analyses, most results suggested that effect sizes were greater for younger students, but these results were driven by the less controlled evaluations. The most controlled evaluation (randomized experiment) provided the opposite result.Conclusions
More research is clearly needed on the effectiveness of bullying prevention programs with students of different ages, and we also recommend randomized experiments to assess the importance of different intervention components. 相似文献34.
Conor McGrath 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2013,13(3):308-328
This article traces the development of Barack Obama's sometimes ambiguous and sometimes antithetical attitudes and relationship to lobbyists. During his childhood in Indonesia, his stepfther was a lobbyist for a US oil company. Obama engaged himself in what many would consider to be lobbying in his career as a ‘community activist’ in Chicago. As an Illinois state senator, he befriended lobbyists and enjoyed poker and basketball games with them, in addition to raising about two thirds of his campaign finance from big business, unions, and political action committees. In the US Senate, Obama involved in ethics reforms that curbed the influence of lobbyists. His presidential campaign rhetoric was hard‐hitting, often decrying the irresponsibility of lobbyists while he had a number of lobbyists in key positions in his campaign team. On his first full day in office, President Obama signed an executive order restricting lobbyists from working in his administration. He later banned registered lobbyists from having personal meeting with officials about economic stimulus projects. Both these pledges have, however, had unforeseen or unwelcome consequences. More recently, Obama decided to ban lobbyists from membership of federal advisory panels but continues to meet frequently with favored lobbyists and corporate executives behind closed doors. The article questions whether Obama's history in this area adds up to a coherent or principled track record or whether it simply relates a series of inconsistent and political decisions. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
35.
36.
Alternative Ulster? Political Parties and the Non-constitutional Policy Space in Northern Ireland 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article uses data from a survey of the candidates in the 2003 Northern Ireland Assembly election to measure the policy positions of the Northern Irish political parties on scales that are the usual measurements of party policy in Western Europe, such as on economic and social issues, the European Union, morality issues, environmental issues and minority groups. These data were then used to test whether the Northern Ireland party system was conducive to integration or consociationalism, which is the current debate on conflict resolution in Northern Ireland. It argues that this debate has been under-theorised and that empirical data can be used to test the likelihood of either scenario. It concludes that, in most aspects, the Northern Ireland party system tends towards the consociational scenario but there are, nevertheless, aspects which suggest that an integrationist scenario could be produced in the long term. 相似文献
37.
What explains variation in the depth of intelligence sharing? Realism provides the standard answer: shared threat motivates deeper cooperation. In a recent article, Ryan Bock offers a liberal antidote to this conventional view, leveraging insights on domestic regime type to explain why Anglo-Soviet sharing remained shallow despite the German threat during 1941–5. Several shortcomings in Bock’s innovative study undermine his main arguments and findings. A reevaluation of the Anglo-Soviet case and a cursory examination of nine other intelligence-sharing relationships during the Second World War reveal a spread of variation in the depth of cooperation that cannot be explained by a liberal regime-type argument, a realist threat perspective, or other prevailing International Relations paradigms. Marrying insights from interdisciplinary scholarship on gossip and embedded exchange, we propose a novel alternative framework that suggests plausible solutions to puzzles left behind by other accounts, thus opening a new line of inquiry for future research on intelligence cooperation. 相似文献
38.
David P. Farrington Darrick Jolliffe Rolf Loeber D. Lynn Homish 《Victims & Offenders》2007,2(3):227-249
This article compares juvenile court petitions and self-reported offending between ages 13 and 17 for 506 boys followed up in the Pittsburgh Youth Study. There were 2.4 self-reported offenders for every petitioned offender, and 80 self-reported offenses for every petitioned offense. The prevalence of self-reported offenders stayed constant with age, but the prevalence of petitioned offenders increased with age. Conversely, the individual offending frequency stayed constant with age according to court petitions but increased with age according to self-reports. Therefore, prevalence and frequency did not vary similarly with age, and did not vary similarly in self-reports and court records. With increasing age, more and more of the self-reported offenders were formally petitioned, but they were formally petitioned for fewer and fewer of their offenses. The probability of an offender being petitioned to court increased with the number of offenses that he committed, but the probability of each offense leading to a court petition decreased with the number of offenses committed. There was little overlap between self-reported and official chronic offenders. It is concluded that researchers should always measure both self-reports and official records in studying offending, and that the juvenile court should seek to intervene earlier in delinquency careers. 相似文献
39.
Attacks without Consequence? Candidates,Parties, Groups,and the Changing Face of Negative Advertising 下载免费PDF全文
Prior work finds that voters punish candidates for sponsoring attack ads. What remains unknown is the extent to which a negative ad is more effective if it is sponsored by a party or an independent group instead. We conducted three experiments in which we randomly assigned participants to view a negative ad that was identical except for its sponsor. We find that candidates can benefit from having a party or group “do their dirty work,” but particularly if a group does, and that the most likely explanation for why this is the case is that many voters simply do not connect candidates to the ads sponsored by parties and groups. We also find that in some circumstances, a group‐sponsored attack ad produces less polarization than one sponsored by a party. We conclude by discussing the implications our research has for current debates about the proper role of independent groups in electoral politics. 相似文献
40.
Conor Farrington 《The Political quarterly》2015,86(2):297-306
The failure of the Coalition government's attempt to reform the House of Lords has by no means taken further reform off the political agenda. The commitment to installing an elected upper chamber is still widely shared across the political spectrum, on the basis of perceptions that the House of Lords lacks democratic legitimacy. Against this view, this article considers recent literature upon non‐electoral representation, deliberative democracy and bicameralism, which together highlight the possibility of an unelected second chamber playing a legitimate role within a wider (democratic) system of government. The article then considers the House of Lords from this perspective, reflecting on changes in the upper chamber since the 1999 reforms and evaluating its role within the wider political system. The paper concludes by suggesting that political debate should focus upon small‐scale reforms to ensure that the Lords becomes more effective, representative and legitimate, within the constraints of its present role. 相似文献