全文获取类型
收费全文 | 137篇 |
免费 | 8篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 2篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 12篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1篇 |
法律 | 97篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 28篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 4篇 |
2019年 | 9篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 7篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 8篇 |
2013年 | 20篇 |
2012年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 10篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 4篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有145条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
71.
72.
Objective
Crime prevention has entered a new, more robust phase of research activity and holds greater relevance to policy and practice today than ever before. It stands as an important component of an overall strategy to reduce crime. This paper sets out a modest proposal for a new crime policy to help build a safer, more sustainable society.Materials and methods
Narrative meta-review of the crime prevention literature.Results
The central features include: ensuring that the highest quality scientific research is at center stage in the policy-making process; overcoming the “short-termism” politics of the day; and striking a greater balance between crime prevention and crime control. Both simulation studies and experiences in Washington State show that early prevention can reduce crime, save money, and reduce the need for costly incarceration.Conclusions
Quality criminological research should be used to strike a policy balance between crime prevention and crime control. 相似文献73.
74.
Alan S. Gerber Gregory A. Huber David Doherty Conor M. Dowling 《American journal of political science》2012,56(4):849-874
Social networks play a prominent role in the explanation of many political phenomena. Using data from a nationally representative survey of registered voters conducted around the 2008 U.S. presidential election, we document three findings. First, we show that during this period, people discussed politics as frequently as (or more frequently than) other topics such as family, work, sports, and entertainment with frequent discussion partners. Second, the frequency with which a topic is discussed is strongly and positively associated with reported agreement on that topic among these same discussion partners. Supplementary experimental evidence suggests this correlation arises because people avoid discussing politics when they anticipate disagreement. Third, we show that Big Five personality traits affect how frequently people discuss a variety of topics, including politics. Some of these traits also alter the relationship between agreement and frequency of discussion in theoretically expected ways. This suggests that certain personality types are more likely to be exposed to divergent political information, and that not everyone is equally likely to experience cross‐cutting discourse, even in heterogeneous networks. 相似文献
75.
Alan S. Gerber Gregory A. Huber David Doherty Conor M. Dowling 《Political Behavior》2012,34(4):653-688
We examine the associations between personality traits and the strength and direction of partisan identification using a large national sample. We theorize that the relationships between Big Five personality traits and which party a person affiliates with should mirror those between the Big Five and ideology, which we find to be the case. This suggests that the associations between the Big Five and the direction of partisan identification are largely mediated by ideology. Our more novel finding is that personality traits substantially affect whether individuals affiliate with any party as well as the strength of those affiliations, effects that we theorize stem from affective and cognitive benefits of affiliation. In particular, we find that three personality traits (Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Openness) predict strength of partisan identification (p?<?0.05). This result holds even after controlling for ideology and a variety of issue positions. These findings contribute to our understanding of the psychological antecedents of partisan identification. 相似文献
76.
Conor Farrington 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2012,25(1-3):15-33
Widely adopted decentralisation policies have increased the significance of local citizen participation in Latin America, especially with regard to ‘new political spaces’, or spaces for citizen–government engagement distinct from both electoral democracy and non-electoral political activism. Since new political spaces tend to employ ‘deliberative democratic’ methods of decision making, their prospects depend to a considerable extent on the extent to which surrounding ‘public spheres’ enable or constrain deliberation. This paper focuses on the specific case of Ecuador, drawing upon theories of deliberative democracy and the public sphere to assess the likely prospects for new political spaces in Ecuador through an examination of the key aspects of Ecuadorian politics and society since independence from Spain in 1822. 相似文献
77.
In a 2×2 table, phi measures the strength of the relationship and relative improvement over chance (RIOC) measures the predictive efficiency. A simplified formula for RIOC is derived. From the linkage between RIOC and the adjusted standardized residual, the variance of RIOC is calculated, thereby allowing its statistical significance to be tested. A disadvantage of phi is that its maximum value can be less than 1. A corrected phi correlation, obtained by dividing phi by the maximum possible phi, is shown to be mathematically identical to RIOC. Hence, there is a linkage between the percentage of correct predictions and the percentage of variance explained. RIOC is unchanged even when the social costs and benefits of the different outcomes are differentially weighted. RIOC is also mathematically identical to a corrected kappa calculated in a similar fashion to the corrected phi. Therefore, RIQC has distinct advantages over phi and kappa. 相似文献
78.
79.
Although changing policy positions is often thought of as costly for politicians, this may not always be the case. We present findings from two survey experiments designed to assess how people respond to politicians who change positions on an issue. We examine the direct effects of position changes on both summary evaluations of a candidate and ratings of a candidate’s character. We find that the effect of changing positions varies across issues and that the passage of time attenuates the negative effects of a change of position. We also find that although individual voters prefer a candidate who moves closer to their own preferred policy position to one who sticks to a disliked policy position, in the aggregate changing policy positions may be costly unless the prospective new position is supported by a supermajority of the public. 相似文献
80.