“正义原则”的人学价值透视

罗尔斯在其《正义论》中提出平等自由原则和差别原则,这两个正义原则具有"以人为本"的人学价值:它为人的德性发展创造了条件,为实现人的价值创造了良好的环境,肯定了人的自尊、自爱和自信,关切人的幸福,彰显人的主体性,使人的自主性、能动性和创造性得以发挥,主张人们相互把对方作为自在的目的而非手段来对待.然而,罗氏的幸福观只顾及到人们眼前的个人生活,没有从人类社会的未来的视角去挖掘,他看到了人的目的价值,却忽视了人的实践活动,没有看到人的手段价值.正义原则的人学价值对我们构建和谐社会具有重要的借鉴意义.     

城市发展战略和规划中的若干问题探讨

城市发展战略和规划的研究与制定,既要有理论基础、知识储备,又要有实践经验和每个城市研究者、规划者和决策者的悟性;既要领导得力,又要有科学态度和民主程序。理论、经验和悟性,领导和群众,部门和专家等等相结合,才能使城市发展战略制定得有特色和有创造性。     

加强社会主义网络文化建设

网络的日益普及 ,不仅改变着人们的生存方式、工作方式和交往方式 ,而且改变着人们的思维方式、价值观念和精神世界。网络文化对我国社会和人民精神生活产生了正面和负面影响。随着信息高速公路的不断延伸和个人电脑的广泛普及 ,因特网在思想宣传乃至整个精神文明建设中的作用已经越来越强。为了在网络时代取得加强社会主义精神文明建设的主动权 ,必须切实加强社会主义网络文化建设。     

刑事被害人国家补偿制度研究

建立刑事被害人国家补偿制度是当今犯罪成为公害而无法扼制时,各国进行立法层面改革的一大趋势。它以确保被害人的利益为出发点,以保障被害人的生存权和发展权为根本目的,以国家补偿的方式实现被害人与加害人、被害人与国家之间关系的和谐。被害人如果得不到犯罪人赔偿或赔偿不足,其权益就不能得到充分保障,刑事诉讼的目的也就不能完全实现;因此,有必要建立刑事被害人国家补偿制度。     

冷战后俄罗斯与中亚的"不解情缘"

俄罗斯与中亚国家由于地缘的、历史的和现实的诸多因素,使得双方的关系复杂且易变.在冷战后双方的身份与地位均发生了较大变化的情况下,俄罗斯面对地位沉沦与美国侵入中亚的严酷现实,表现出了一种不解的中亚情缘.中亚国家则在美俄争夺中亚的角逐中做出了时而靠美,时而依俄的外交选择.     

Between NATO and a hard place: defence spending debate in Germany and Czechia

Defence spending has become a primary issue in the context of NATO. The question of fair burden-sharing and development of new capabilities in reaction to the changing security environment led NATO members to aim to spend 2% of GDP on defence by 2024. While some allies have managed to reach the level quickly, others seem not to be able or willing to do so. We know little, however, how the international commitment is reflected and referred to in individual member states. This article shows how size played a role when the 2% pledge was discussed in domestic politics, even if the resulting policy may be very similar. Based on expert and political debates in Germany and Czechia, it demonstrates that external expectations and the question of status play a crucial part in the small state’s reasoning whereas it is mainly internal drivers that shape the big state’s decisions.     

The Development of Ethnic/Racial Self-Labeling: Individual Differences in Context

Ethnic/racial self-labeling represents one’s knowledge of and preference for ethnic/racial group membership, which is related to, but distinguishable from, ethnic/racial identity. This study examined the development of ethnic/racial self-labeling over time by including the concept of elaboration among a diverse sample of 297 adolescents (Time 1 mean age 14.75, 67% female, 37.4% Asian or Asian American, 10.4% Black, African American, or West Indian, 23.2% Hispanic or Latinx, 24.2% White, 4.4% other). Growth mixture modeling revealed two distinct patterns—low and high self-labeling elaboration from freshman to sophomore year of high school. Based on logistic regression analyses, the level of self-labeling elaboration was generally low among the adolescents who were foreign-born, reported low levels of ethnic/racial identity exploration, or attended highly diverse schools. We also found a person-by-context interaction where the impact of school diversity varied for foreign-born and native-born adolescents (b?=?12.81, SE?=?6.30, p?<?0.05) and by the level of ethnic/racial identity commitment (b?=?14.32, SE?=?6.65, p?<?0.05). These findings suggest varying patterns in ethnic/racial self-labeling elaboration among adolescents from diverse backgrounds and their linkage to individual and contextual factors.     

Policy advice as policy work: a conceptual framework for multi-level analysis

This article argues that policy advice can be understood as a special kind of “policy work” that depends upon a diverse set of factors operating at different levels. The basic aim of the article is to disentangle this multi-level and multifaceted phenomenon into a conceptual framework that can be used for empirical analysis and theory building. In that framework, policy advice is conceptualized as a never-ending interaction among various actors in a specific institutional context, through which routines and norms are both reproduced and abolished. First, it is explained why policy advice is most fruitfully understood as a special kind of policy work, and then how it relates to other policy work activities. Second, problems with single-level approaches are discussed and the need for a multi-level approach is explained. Third, a multi-level conceptual framework is formulated and described. Fourth, some possible applications of the framework are illustrated with examples from current empirical research. The article concludes with implications for research and theory building.     

Back to the future,forward to the past: Croatian politics of memory in the European Parliament

This paper discusses the way in which a post-conflict European Union (EU) member immediately after accession both shapes and adapts to EU memory politics as a part of its Europeanization process. I will analyze how the country responds to the top-down pressures of Europeanization in the domestic politics of memory by making proactive attempts at exporting its own politics of memory (discourses, policies, and practices) to the EU level. Drawing evidence from Croatian EU accession, I will consider how Croatian members of the European Parliament “upload” domestic memory politics to the EU level, particularly to the European Parliament. Based on the analysis of elite interviews, discourses, parliamentary duties, agenda-setting, and decision-making of Croatian MEPs from 2013 to 2016, I argue that the parliament serves both as a locus for confirmation of European identity through promotion of countries’ EU memory credentials and as a new forum for affirmation of national identity. The preservation of the “Homeland War” narrative (1991–1995) and of the “sacredness” of Vukovar as a European lieu de mémoire clearly influences the decision-making of Croatian MEPs, motivating inter-group support for policy building and remembrance practices that bridge domestic political differences.