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141.
菲律宾是世界上私立高等教育发展最具活力的国家之一,其私立高等院校历史悠久、实力雄厚,占高等院校总数的70%以上。本文通过对菲律宾私立高等教育特色的介绍,并结合当前我国私立高等教育发展实情,从监管机制、专业特色、师资队伍、办学经费等几个方面为我国民办高校提供启示和借鉴。 相似文献
142.
与物有关的侵权,根据损害结果与物的危险性之间的关系,可以分为物之侵权、物上行为侵权和单纯行为侵权三类。其中物之侵权根据公物和私物在公共使用性上的根本差异,可以区分为公物侵权和私物侵权,公物侵权构成公物致害责任,而私物侵权中不动产侵权构成建筑物危险责任。公物致害责任与建筑物危险责任既存在相似性,又存在差异性,其差异性本质... 相似文献
143.
The paper investigates empirically the determinants of political stability in one-party states, taking as an example socialist Yugoslavia. We assume that the number of the Party members is an indicator of the stability of the regime and perform a time series analysis for the six Yugoslav republics in the 1953–1988 period. We find that rents distributed to the population were far more important than the popularity of economic policies and perhaps even more important than repression. These findings provide strong empirical support for economic models of dictatorship based on the notion of political exchange. 相似文献
144.
Woźniak M Derenko M Malyarchuk B Dambueva I Grzybowski T Miścicka-Sliwka D 《Forensic science international》2006,164(2-3):271-275
We have obtained Y-STR haplotypes in 12 loci (DYS19, DYS385, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS437, DYS438 and DYS439) from 215 Buryat males. We have found that one haplotype (15-11,18-13-28-23-10-11-14-14-10-12) comprises more than 30% of Y chromosomes in this population while another haplotype (14-11,13-14-30-23-10-14-14-14-10-10) comprises additional 14% of chromosomes. The population under study seems to be very homogenous as far as Y chromosome is regarded and the most frequent haplotype seems to be the modal haplotype for Buryats. 相似文献
145.
在当代西方政治哲学中,"正义"原则及其制度形态的实现与否关系到整个社会政治系统的生死存亡.不管是持有正义还是分配正义,无论是程序正义还是实质正义,其政治价值本质都在于实现对政治主体的生存、安全、稳定、平等、发展、民主等需要的满足.与此同时,"正义"又具有多维呈现的性质,"持有正义"是政治价值之源,"分配正义"是政治价值的核心,"程序正义"是政治价值实现的保证,它们共同构成了"正义"价值体系的基本内容. 相似文献
146.
米海涛 《中共郑州市委党校学报》2006,(6):83-84
中小企业融资困难问题,既有客观方面的原因,也有主观方面的原因。这一问题的解决是一项复杂的系统工程,涉及融资体制、信用环境、企业自身及融资结构的服务意识和服务水平等诸多因素,因而需要各方面综合协调、配套解决。 相似文献
147.
148.
Siniša Malešević 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2013,19(1):12-37
This article analyzes the complex and contradictory relationships between nationalism and organized violence. The author challenges the approaches that see nationalism as being inherently linked with violence and demonstrates that nationalist ideology by itself is rarely a main cause of hostile acts. The article focuses on the different forms of organized violence including wars, revolutions, terrorism, and genocide. It aims to show that the relationship between violence and nationalism cannot be properly captured by the dominant intentionalist, naturalist, and formativist perspectives. Instead the case is made that the emphasis should be given to the long-term historical processes and the relative modernity of both nationalism and organized violence. The author argues that it is very difficult to generate sustained and organized violent nationalist action. The mutation of nationalist doctrines into violent acts is generally a product of unintended structural circumstances and is characterized by its temporary nature and volatility. More specifically, this process is usually generated by the coercive bureaucratization, centrifugal ideologization, and their capacity to be embedded in the networks of microsolidarity. 相似文献
149.
150.
This account reviews the background to, the campaign and the result of the Slovenian EU accession referendum. The authors ascertain that the ‘yes’ campaign was outstandingly well organised and synchronised, in stark contrast to the ‘no’ campaign, which was poorly organised and came across as representative of a narrow set of interests. Irrespective of this contrast, the large victory (almost 90 per cent) of the ‘yes’ camp was unexpected (as well as the relatively low turnout of 60.4 per cent). The two most important reasons for such a high level of support for the EU in the accession referendum can be traced back to the broad consensus among the political and social elite and the reorientation of the most well-known anti-EU actors to the NATO accession referendum which was held simultaneously. For this reason, account is taken of the Slovenian NATO accession referendum, but only to the extent that it influenced the campaign and result of the EU referendum. 相似文献