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This paper provides an overview of the range of current (1981) abortion laws in the African Commonwealth countries, traces the origins of the laws to their colonial predecessors, and discusses legal reform that would positively provide for legal termination of pregnancy. The authors claim that the range of these laws demonstrates an evolution that leads from customary/common law (Lesotho and Swaziland) to basic law (Botswana, The Gambia, Malawi, Mauritius, Nigeria's Northern States and Seychelles) to developed law (Ghana, Kenya, Nigeria's Southern States, Sierra Leone, and Uganda), and, finally, to advanced law (Zambia and Zimbabwe). The authors call for treating abortion as an issue of health and welfare as opposed to one of crime and punishment. Since most of the basic law de jure is treated and administered as developed law de facto, the authors suggest decriminalizing abortion and propose ways in which to reform the law: clarifying existing law; liberalizing existing law to allow abortion based upon certain indications; limiting/removing women's criminal liability for seeking an abortion; allowing hindsight contraception; protecting providers treating women in good faith; publishing recommended fees for services to protect poor women; protecting providers who treat women with incomplete abortion; and punishing providers who fail to provide care to women in need, with the exception of those seeking protection under a conscience clause. The authors also suggest clarifying the means by which health services involving pregnancy termination may be delivered, including: clarification of the qualifications of practitioners who may treat women; specification of the facilities that may treat women, perhaps broken down by gestational duration of the pregnancy; specifying gestational limits during which the procedure can be performed; clarifying approval procedures and consents; and allowing for conscientious objections to performing the procedure.  相似文献   
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American government in the twentieth century has been faced with a serious value conflict between the need for rational allocation of scarce resources through planning, and the need to be responsive to a diverse society. Two ideal types of planning correspond to these two values. Rational planning emphasizes the importance of the planner's expertise in achieving the "best" path to socially defined goals. Advocacy planning emphasizes the importance of responsiveness to group interests since all planning decisions are basically a matter of value choice. Citizen participation in planning often combines elements of these two models, embodying the value conflict in planning agency procedures. Health systems agencies are examined as a typical case of such planning. Their failure to build a constituency is viewed as a consequence of role conflict reduction strategies by representatives who did not know whether to play the planner or the advocate role, and how to play either.  相似文献   
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