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101.
Daniel Corstange 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2019,46(1):178-200
Whom do ordinary Syrians support in their civil war? After decades of repression, the Syrian uprising unleashed an outpouring of political expression. Yet the study of Syrian public opinion is in its infancy. This article presents survey evidence from a large, diverse sample of Syrian refugees in neighbouring Lebanon, one of the first of its kind, and examines their support for the different factions fighting in the civil war. In so doing, it demonstrates that many conventional narratives of the conflict are oversimplifications of a more complex reality. The survey shows that the majority of Syrian refugees support one faction or another of the opposition, but a large minority sympathizes with the government. In line with existing accounts of the war, the government draws its popular support base from wealthier and less religious Syrians, as well as minorities. Nonetheless, large numbers of Sunni Arabs also side with the government, belying sectarian narratives of the war. The survey also finds that supporters of the opposition Islamists and non-Islamists are similar in many regards, including religiosity. The main distinction is that the non-Islamist support base is far more politically attentive than are Islamist sympathizers, in contrast to existing narratives of the war. 相似文献
102.
Oscar W. Gabriel Ulf Bohmann Daniel Gaus Emanuel Richter Annika Frisch Helga Haftendorn Dirk Berg-Schlosser Frank Bönker Dennis-Jonathan Mann Christian Tuschhoff Karsten Schmitz Jared Sonnicksen Heinrich Pehle Marco Schäferhoff Wilhelm Bleek Jürgen Petersen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(3):646-690
103.
104.
Daniel Callahan 《Society》2009,46(3):214-220
The idea of radically extending average human life expectancy is an ancient one, but for most of human history exceedingly
utopian. There is now, however, a revival of that idea, with some scientists and others arguing that it is possible and desirable.
But the main problem with most of the life extension enthusiasm is that it is based almost entirely on the desire of some
individuals to make it happen. The social consequences of success of such a venture are, however, either ignored altogether
or dismissed on the grounds that any problems can be dealt with. In the end, none of our present human and social problems
would be helped by radically longer lives and no obvious social benefits have been advanced to support it.
相似文献
Daniel CallahanEmail: |
105.
Daniel P. L. Chong 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(2):183-204
In recent years, dozens of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the globe have begun to advocate for
economic and social rights, which represents a significant expansion of the human rights movement. This article investigates
a central strategy that NGOs have pursued to realize these rights: legalization. Legalization involves specifying rights as
valid legal rules and enforcing them through judicial or quasi-judicial processes. After documenting some of the progress
made toward legalization, the article analyzes five unique challenges involved in legalizing economic and social rights. It
is important to identify these challenges because they must be overcome if the human rights movement wishes to refute the
notion that economic and social rights are inherently non-justiciable (and therefore, to some, invalid as rights). These challenges also point to the possibility that legalization is not the only, or even the best, strategic pathway to
realize economic and social rights effectively.
相似文献
Daniel P. L. ChongEmail: |
106.
107.
Daniel J. Hulsebosch 《Law & social inquiry》2016,41(4):841-865
Taking a cue from Bernadette Atuahene's concept of “dignity takings” and her insight that government expropriation inflicts more than economic injury, this essay analyzes how American revolutionaries defined political membership, penalized and expropriated British loyalists, and then allowed some to join the American polity in the decade after the Revolution. Many recovered their property, professions, and legal privileges. However, because most loyalists could choose to remain loyal or join the Revolution, they did not lose human dignity as Atuahene defines it. Case studies of two reintegrating lawyers, Richard Harison and William Rawle, explore loyalism, the loss of dignities that loyalists suffered, and some paths toward reintegration. Their appointment as federal attorneys helped make the government conversant in the common law, British statutes, and the law of nations, which in turn supported the Federalist goal of reintegrating the United States into the Atlantic World: achieving, in other words, national dignity. 相似文献
108.
109.
Herbert Zemen 《Juristische Bl?tter》2011,133(10):626-628
In JBl 2010, 487–495, wurde dargelegt, dass der anerbenrechtliche Nachtragsanspruch der weichenden Geschwister (Miterben)
gegen den Hofübernehmer sich nach b?uerlichem Gewohnheitsrecht beurteilt, dass also bei Wegfall der Rechtfertigung für den
begünstigten übernahmspreis wegen gewinnsüchtiger Ver?u?erung des Hofes (oder von Hofliegenschaften) durch den übernehmer
der Mehrerl?s auf die Miterben (weichenden Geschwister) nach dem Hofübergeber aufzuteilen ist. Der Nachtragsanspruch geh?rt
also noch zum begrifflichen Umfang und Inhalt des nach b?uerlichem Gewohnheitsrecht zu bestimmenden begünstigten übernahmspreises
(Wohlbestehenswertes). Die Fristen für den Nachtragsanspruch sind nach b?uerlichem Gewohnheitsrecht auf folgende Weise zu
formulieren: Die Ver?u?erung des Hofes (oder von Hofliegenschaften) muss in die mit etwa 15 Jahren zu bestimmende Frist ab
Hofübergabe an den Hofübernehmer fallen, die mit der Hofübergabe zu laufen beginnt. Dieser Anspruch kann nur nach Tod des
Hofübergebers geltend gemacht werden, bei einer Frist für die gerichtliche Geltendmachung von 3 Jahren ab erfolgter Ver?u?erung
(Einverleibung) durch den Hofübernehmer. 相似文献
110.
This article introduces to policy studies the concept of valence, which we define as the emotional quality of an idea that makes it more or less attractive. We argue that valence explains why some ideas are more successful than others, sometimes gaining paradigmatic status. A policy idea is attractive when its valence matches the mood of a target population. Skilled policy entrepreneurs use ideas with high valence to frame policy issues and generate support for their policy proposals. The usefulness of the concept of valence is illustrated with the case of sustainability, an idea that has expanded from the realm of environmental policy to dominate discussions in such diverse policy areas as pension reform, public finance, labor markets, and energy security. As the valence of sustainability has increased, policy entrepreneurs have used the idea to reframe problems in these various policy areas and promote reforms. 相似文献