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The role of the forensic toxicologist in helping to determine causes of death or in aiding in the resolution of "driving under the influence" or similar cases is well known and clearly understood. Less clearly defined is the position of the forensic toxicologist vis-à-vis other socially significant problems. However, as the 21st century approaches, it is worth considering how forensic toxicology can help in unraveling some of these problems. The problem of violence between intimates--that is, domestic violence--is a social problem in which it has been long felt that alcohol has played a part. Until now, though, no carefully controlled toxicological studies have been conducted to substantiate this or to determine whether other drug use is associated with domestic violence. At the San Francisco Medical Examiner's Office, toxicological data from both the victim and the suspect in 20 cases of domestic violence that ended in homicide have been gathered. It was found that alcohol or other drugs or a combination of these factors was invariably present in the suspect, the victim, or both. The implications of these results and how they can be used to develop a toxicological strategy to help reduce the most serious consequences of domestic violence are presented. 相似文献
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Circumventing formal structure through commitment: Presidential influence and agenda control 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Although the formal institutional structure that defines the temporal order of play in a policy game between the Congress and President ought to provide Congress with agenda power, the President is traditionally treated as the dominant player in this relationship. We show that if the President can make clear-cut commitments, presidential commitment can counter the dominance hierarchy and the complexion of equilibrium outcomes. Thus, the details of political interactions (in particular, the possibilities for commitment) may be as important as the formal specification of institutional structure.We thank Peter Aranson, David Austen-Smith, Ed Campos, Gerry Faulhaber, Art Frank, Ken Koford, William Riker, Janet Pack, the anonymous referees, and seminar participants at the University of Delaware, the University of Pennsylvania, and the University of Rochester for helpful comments, subject to the usual caveat. We also thank Joel Friedlander and Harold Dichter for research assistance. 相似文献
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Daniel A. Smith 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2004,24(4):88-110
Scholars have devoted considerable attention to both the fiscal and policy impact of tax and expenditure limitation ballot initiatives. This article instead examines how statewide anti-tax measures come to be placed before the general public for popular votes. It critically assesses six anti-tax measures on statewide ballots in 1996, questioning the wisdom that they were populist undertakings. While tax crusaders continue to draw on grassroots themes and use populist rhetoric, there are important differences across the groups sponsoring the six anti-tax measures, including their organizational history, professionalization, membership, and sources of financial support. 相似文献
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This study examines the impact of juvenile justice on San Francisco's youth detention population during the 1990s. Because successful juvenile justice reform is measured by reductions in both detention populations and the disproportionate impact on minority youth, this study attempts to evaluate two closely related issues: (1) Did San Francisco juvenile justice reform lead to reductions in juvenile detention bookings? (2) Did San Francisco juvenile justice reform reduce disproportionate minority confinement? The results of the study demonstrated that in fact neither of these results occurred. The data clearly show that what happened instead was “net widening” whereby offenders previously excluded from the juvenile justice system were processed. This was especially the case for minority females, whose rate of detention increased more than any other group. Implications for social policies are discussed. 相似文献
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Participants in a specialelection held in the State of Mississippion April 17, 2001, voted overwhelminglyagainst changing the design of the state'sflag, which incorporates a symbol of theConfederacy. The determinants of voting onthe flag are analyzed and turnout rates inApril 2001 are compared with those forrecent gubernatorial and presidentialelections. We find that the flag votedivided Mississippians sharply along linesof race, class and political ideology. Akey empirical implication is that voterpositions in issue space tend to be morepolarized when political choices haveexpressive as opposed to instrumentalconsequences. 相似文献
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Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical Analysis from 1976 to 1996 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Most studies posit and identify a linear and negative relationship between democracy and the violation of human rights. Some research challenges this finding, however, suggesting that nonlinear influences exist. Within this article, we examine the structure of the relationship between democracy and repression during the time period from 1976 to 1996. To conduct our analysis, we utilize diverse statistical approaches which are particularly flexible in identifying influences that take a variety of functional forms (specifically LOESS and binary decomposition). Across measures and methodological techniques, we found that below a certain level, democracy has no impact on human rights violations, but above this level democracy influences repression in a negative and roughly linear manner. The implications of this research are discussed within the conclusion . 相似文献