全文获取类型
收费全文 | 23631篇 |
免费 | 686篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1171篇 |
工人农民 | 880篇 |
世界政治 | 2096篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1055篇 |
法律 | 12943篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 128篇 |
政治理论 | 5787篇 |
综合类 | 255篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 143篇 |
2020年 | 314篇 |
2019年 | 412篇 |
2018年 | 501篇 |
2017年 | 599篇 |
2016年 | 629篇 |
2015年 | 408篇 |
2014年 | 517篇 |
2013年 | 2776篇 |
2012年 | 584篇 |
2011年 | 608篇 |
2010年 | 512篇 |
2009年 | 574篇 |
2008年 | 616篇 |
2007年 | 688篇 |
2006年 | 622篇 |
2005年 | 612篇 |
2004年 | 640篇 |
2003年 | 637篇 |
2002年 | 610篇 |
2001年 | 830篇 |
2000年 | 765篇 |
1999年 | 622篇 |
1998年 | 382篇 |
1997年 | 343篇 |
1996年 | 295篇 |
1995年 | 293篇 |
1994年 | 339篇 |
1993年 | 296篇 |
1992年 | 430篇 |
1991年 | 469篇 |
1990年 | 401篇 |
1989年 | 414篇 |
1988年 | 383篇 |
1987年 | 402篇 |
1986年 | 410篇 |
1985年 | 401篇 |
1984年 | 340篇 |
1983年 | 383篇 |
1982年 | 308篇 |
1981年 | 289篇 |
1980年 | 219篇 |
1979年 | 286篇 |
1978年 | 198篇 |
1977年 | 177篇 |
1976年 | 162篇 |
1975年 | 140篇 |
1974年 | 154篇 |
1973年 | 138篇 |
1972年 | 129篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
1.
2.
3.
David Lane 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(8):1306-1321
AbstractHistorical materialism envisages law-like tendencies (‘scientific’ Marxism) promoting the development of productive forces and, concurrently, a political praxis (‘active’ Marxism) requiring human intervention. These positions give rise to conflicting interpretations of Marxism: first to understand society, second to change it – to abolish economic exploitation. The twentieth century witnessed a shift in the locus of the contradictions of capitalism to the economically dependent territories of the imperial powers. Socialist parties, when in power and adopting a Leninist political praxis, furthered modernisation and were successful in reducing economic exploitation. The paper addresses the relationship between the scientific and praxis components of Marxism in contemporary global capitalism. It considers post-Marxist interpretations of the changing class structure, the rise of identity politics and the evolving nature of capital. Forms of domination, oppression and discrimination (bureaucracy, patriarchy, racism, militarism and credentialism) give rise to their own distinctive forms of power relations. It is contended that they should not be equated with Marx’s crucial insight into the nature of economic exploitation. Many current Marxist (and ‘post-Marxist’) writers adopt a ‘scientific’ position emphasising the inherent contradictions of capitalism. The author claims that without appropriate political praxis, the resolution of such contradictions is unlikely to transcend capitalism. 相似文献
4.
Angela J. Thielo Francis T. Cullen Alexander L. Burton Melissa M. Moon Velmer S. Burton Jr 《Victims & Offenders》2019,14(3):267-282
ABSTRACTRecently, “problem-solving” courts have been developed as an alternative to imprisonment. They are often called “specialty” courts because they process and divert into treatment programs offenders who are seen as different from the general criminal population, such as those with mental health or drug problems, those who are homeless or veterans, and those who engage in domestic violence. Based on a 2017 national survey of 1,000 respondents, the current study examines overall public support for rehabilitation as a goal of corrections and then focuses specifically on support for different types of specialty courts. The analysis reveals that the American public endorses not only the rehabilitative ideal but also the use of problem-solving courts. Further, with only minimal variation, strong support for these courts appears to exist regardless of political orientation and sociodemographic characteristics. 相似文献
5.
6.
7.
AbstractThis study applies moral foundations theory to capital juror decision making. We hypothesized that binding moral foundations would predict death qualification and punitive sentencing decisions, whereas individualizing moral foundations would be associated with juror disqualification and a leniency effect. Additionally, we considered whether moral foundations can explain differences in death penalty application between conservatives and liberals. Respondents from two independent samples participated in a mock-juror task in which the circumstances of a hypothetical defendant’s case varied. Results revealed moral foundations were strong predictors of death qualification. The binding and individualizing foundations were related to sentencing decisions in the expected ways. Supporting our contention that moral foundations operate differently across different types of cases, heterogeneity in the effects of moral foundations was observed. Finally, we found support for the hypothesis that the relationship between sentencing decisions and conservatism would be attenuated by moral foundations. 相似文献
8.
Kevin B. Smith 《American journal of political science》2006,50(4):1013-1022
What drives policymakers to put the interests of others above their own? If human nature is inherently selfish, it makes sense to institutionalize incentives that counter decision makers' temptations to use their positions to benefit themselves over others. A growing literature rooted in evolutionary theories of human behavior, however, suggests that humans, under certain circumstances, have inherent predispositions towards “representational altruism,” i.e., to make an authoritative decision to benefit another at one's own expense. Drawing on Hibbing and Alford's conception of the wary cooperator, a theoretical case is made for such behavioral expectations, which are confirmed in a series of original laboratory experiments. 相似文献
9.
In the early 1970s, Grand Canyon National Park intended to designate its land to “Wilderness,” including the controversial Colorado River corridor. However, by the end of the 1970s the potential for Wilderness designation was off the table, and would never seriously return for genuine consideration. Using Schattschneider's model of conflict, we explain how the organization of this conflict privileges the “causal story” of Wilderness opponents, and therefore why the canyon is not designated. It is our contention that members of Congress will not stand forward to support Wilderness designations without simultaneously providing benefits for extractive land use because (1) congressional representatives are more penalized for supporting than opposing Wilderness designations, (2) Wilderness advocacy groups do not pressure congressional delegates as firmly as opposition groups, and (3) key local congressional members are not likely to see Wilderness as a salient issue worth the risk of negative exposure. If these findings hold, the implication is that we may have reached the end of significant Wilderness designations in highly visible areas, unless critical aspects in land use conflict change. 相似文献
10.
Numerous accounts reveal that congressional leaders often secure “hip‐pocket votes” or “if you need me” pledges from rank‐and‐file legislators. These are essentially options on votes. Leaders exercise sufficient options—pay legislators to convert to favorable votes—when those options will yield victory. Otherwise, they release the options. A model shows that this optimal strategy for leaders produces many small victories, few small losses, and losses that are, on average, larger than victories. We find precisely these patterns, hence strong evidence for vote options, in Congressional Quarterly key votes from 1975 through 2001 and in non‐key votes from the 106th Congress (1999–2000). 相似文献