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101.
Glyn Davis Alice Ling Bill Scales & Roger Wilkins 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2001,60(3):11-26
Australia has well‐established conventions for caretaker governments. These conventions regulate how a government should operate once an election is called, and have been documented for some decades. Yet the current conventions date from an era when elections usually produced clear and immediate results. Can our caretaker conventions cope with the emerging reality of indecisive elections and long delays before a new government is confirmed? This paper canvasses the state of Australia's caretaker conventions and offers suggestions for an expanded, contemporary code. 相似文献
102.
Michael C. Davis 《Human Rights Review》2001,2(2):7-17
Conclusion In a recent speech Amartya Sen argued that democracy had become a universal value. He argued that at this time the burden
is on those who would deny democracy to justify their position. He argued that this was a historic change from not long ago
when the advocates for democracy in Aisa or Africa had to argue for democracy with their backs to the wall. In Asia, China
has historically championed the fight against imperialism and has celebrated the fact the the Chinese people have stood up
to take their much-deserved place in the world. For China, which as worked so assertively to bring its nation into the modern
world, it is a sign of failure if Tibetans, and even Chinese, have to continue to argue for genuine democracy and self-government
with their backs against the wall. The Tibetans really face no dilemma since they are offered no choice except to defend their
basic interest.
But at present the Chinese leaders face a profound dilemma whether to embrace the modern values that are consistent with their
own development and reform process or to continue to defy, especially in respect of Tibet, the very values they have championed
in their relationships with the rest of the world. It is with regard to these universal values, against imperialism and in
favor of democracy and self-rule, that solutions to the Tibetan problem should be found. To subjugate the Tibetan people is
not only inconsistent with contemporary values but is also in contradiction of the pressures for change being spawned by China’s
own emerging order in its reform era. It is within China’s power at present to set about solving the issues it confronts with
Tibet. It can do so in ways that are consistent with its long-term developmetn interests or, alternatively, insist on old
style imperial domination at the long-term costs of fostering a territorial and political structure for development that is
inadequate both for itself and Tibet. 相似文献
103.
Kristin F. Butcher Anne Morrison Piehl 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1998,17(3):457-493
Public concerns about the costs of immigration and crime are high, and sometimes overlapping. This article investigates the relationship between immigration into a metropolitan area and that area's crime rate during the 1980s. Using data from the Uniform Crime Reports and the Current Population Surveys, we find, in the cross section, that cities with high crime rates tend to have large numbers of immigrants. However, controlling for the demographic characteristics of the cities, recent immigrants appear to have no effect on crime rates. In explaining changes in a city's crime rate over time, the flow of immigrants again has no effect, whether or not we control for other city-level characteristics. In a secondary analysis of individual data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), we find that youth born abroad are statistically significantly less likely than native-born youth to be criminally active. 相似文献
104.
As climate change continues to increase both the frequency and intensity of environmental hazards and disasters, the need for a cohesive national mitigation policy grows. As the environmental federalism scholarship indicates, the inherent tension in federal, state, and local policy implementation highlights that despite a national need, environmental quality is a local public good. To complicate matters, there is disagreement about the optimal level of decision-making regarding the adoption and implementation of environmental policy. This study addresses this gap by considering the role of policy ambiguity and conflict in policy implementation. The analysis relies on primary qualitative data collected from open-ended interviews with 22 local government officials in 12 municipalities following Hurricane Harvey. Through the lens of policy ambiguity and conflict, we find confirmatory support for the idea that policies with less ambiguous goals are more likely to be implemented. Furthermore, we find that policy conflict arises when local governments perceive there is little for the community to gain by implementing the federal program. Thus, the level of protection afforded to citizens varies greatly between communities and is influenced heavily by politics. This research supports the Ambiguity-Conflict Model of policy implementation, an oft-cited but rarely tested theoretical framework for assessing the intergovernmental politics of policy implementation. It also demonstrates the barriers to local implementation of federal environmental policy in a nested system of government. 相似文献
105.
Davis B. Bobrow 《国际研究展望》2001,2(1):1-12
This essay was stimulated (provoked) by discussions in three separate venues: (1) a U.S. Naval War College conference on Alternative Futures in War and Conflict: Implications for U.S. National Security, held in late 1999; (2) several recent widely circulated blue-ribbon reports on the subject; and (3) recent papers emerging from the U.S. defense bureaucracy speculating on strategic visions of the next ten to twenty years. My contention is that the prevailing official and quasi-official debate exhibits excessive and overly definitive emphases on: (1) particular facets of insecurity; (2) attributions to the U.S. of benign intent and capacity; and (3) assumptions that most others share that interpretation of our words and deeds. There also tends to be unwarranted neglect of representation and standing issues which discriminate for and against different policy perspectives and forms of program expertise. A plea is offered for an alternative approach based on what we know about how persons, organizations, and communities can best position themselves for (in)security futures. 相似文献
106.
Charles R. Davis 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(2):177-207
This paper critically explores Chris Argyris’ concern for human development as found in his organizational writings. Specifically, his focus on a personl development approach to human growth in organization is critically assessed as to its prospects to facilitate behavior needed for “public” organization. Argyris’ theoretical emphasis upon “self-development” as explicated is unlikely to provide for social consciousness and political action by everyday participants of organization. His mode of “self-development” is a perspective which is fundamentally grounded in the psychological and moral subjectively of the individual. As such, Argyris’ developmental mode is one which primarily promotes consciousness and action of self-interest rather than social involvement. A more authentically public type of organization requires a developmental mode which engenders democratic action toward the shared problems and common needs experienced in everyday organizational reality. 相似文献
107.
W. Michael Schuster R. Evan Davis Kourtenay Schley Julie Ravenscraft 《American Business Law Journal》2020,57(2):281-319
In this article we examine the rate at which patent applications are granted as a function of the inventor's race and gender. Empirical analysis of more than 3.9 million U.S. applications finds minority and women applicants are significantly less likely to secure a patent relative to the balance of inventors. Further analysis indicates that a portion of this bias is introduced during prosecution at the Patent Office, independent of the quality of the application. Mechanisms underlying these disparities are explored. The article concludes with a discussion of our results and their interaction with patent law, innovation policy, and employment trends. 相似文献
108.
Rosendal Kristin Skjærseth Jon Birger Andresen Steinar 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2019,19(4-5):515-530
International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - How has ecological knowledge been applied in Norwegian management of hydropower and protected areas? By recognizing a diversity... 相似文献
109.
Tami Davis Biddle Author Vitae 《Orbis》2011,55(1):4-29
This article argues that U.S. leaders navigated their way through World War II challenges in several important ways. These included: sustaining a functional civil-military relationship; mobilizing inside a democratic, capitalist paradigm; leveraging the moral high ground ceded to them by their enemies; cultivating their ongoing relationship with the British, and embracing a kind of adaptability and resiliency that facilitated their ability to learn from mistakes and take advantage of their enemies’ mistakes. 相似文献
110.
Zachary S. Davis Author Vitae 《Orbis》2011,55(1):69-84
This article examines “strategic latency,” a condition in which technologies that could provide military (or economic) advantage remain untapped. As difficult as it is to explain why certain ideas and technologies flourish and find rapid acceptance, it is equally hard to understand why some good ideas languish, only to be rediscovered and exploited under other circumstances. Why is latent capacity so often dormant? What are the indicators that latent capacity is on the verge of being weaponized?
History is merely a list of surprises. . . . It can only prepare us to be surprised yet again.Kurt Vonnegut, Slapstick相似文献