Right-Libertarian Parties and the “New Values”: A Re-examination*

Among the most noted and studied societal tendencies of recent decades have been those associated with structural change in industrial societies becoming postindustrial. Within political science, much attention has been focused on the behavioural and institutional effects of value change accompanying that transition, and especially on the diminishing impact of class and ideology on politics. Among the institutional effects have been (at times and in some places) decline in support for “established” parties and the rise of alternative political organizations, including new parties on both the left and right. Many of the new parties of the left, and especially those labelled “left-libertarian”, are generally viewed as harbingers of things-to-come in the “new” politics - progressive vehicles, driven along by the tides of change. In contrast, the new parties of the right are generally viewed as conservative, authoritarian, materialist reactions to change - representing transitional efforts to stop change and its effects. The latter parties presumably tell more about the past, the present, and efforts to preserve them, than about the “new” in politics. The purpose of this article is to explore the possibility that some of the new right-wing parties - especially those in social democracies - might themselves be viewed more accurately (or at least as justifiably, based on reinterpretation of the available evidence) as reflections of new values and as vehicles of forward-looking change. If so, then those parties, like their left-libertarian counterparts, may tell us something about the future of postindustrial politics.     

Central and East European Bank Responses to the Financial ‘Crisis’: Do Domestic Banks Perform Better in a Crisis than their Foreign-Owned Counterparts?

In the context of transition, nine out of the 10 post-communist countries that ultimately joined the European Union reluctantly privatised the bulk of their banking sectors with foreign capital. The financial crisis of 2008–2009 therefore sparked fears that foreign banks would remove their operations from their Central and East European markets because of a ‘home bias’ in lending. Such fears were predicated on the widely held beliefs that banks' loyalties lie with their home markets and that it is therefore desirable to protect domestic bank ownership to help combat an economic downturn. This essay casts doubt on the value of banking sector protectionism by comparing foreign and domestic bank behaviour in Central and Eastern Europe during the crisis. The essay finds no consistent relationship between domestic control and either limited economic vulnerability or countercyclical lending.     

重修丝绸之路:迈向亚洲一体化

丝绸之路是指将东亚、中亚、南亚与地中海沿岸国家(包括北非和欧洲)连接在一起的、纵横交错的泛亚贸易交通网络。在过去的几十年中,随着全球化的不断深入,亚洲再度成为世界经济的重心。许多亚洲经济体成为了国际生产网络中不可分割的一部分,他们自身也从不断扩大的国际贸易、投资以及加速的经济增长中获益良多。然而,由于缺乏区域性连接,亚洲巨大的发展潜力尚未发挥出来。本文认为,缺乏全面的区域性连接是影响地区增长、阻碍亚洲乃至世界一体化进程的重要因素之一。鉴于此,亚洲应该加强地区通道建设,使之成为国际通道的一部分。本文还讨论了在通过泛亚运输基础设施建设实现地区连接的过程中,可能遇到的一系列问题和挑战。     

中国流动人口中民间组织的建设问题

当前,中国流动人口中正式的民间组织发展极为有限,服务和组织流动人口的民间组织的作用和功能也十分有限。随着改革开放的深入发展,流动人口中的民间组织可以起到重要的服务功能、协调功能和政治社会化功能。就当前中国的具体情况而言,应通过促进民间组织的健康发展,增强流动人口的社会化程度,提升流动人口的社会行为能力。     

Les échevins et la formulation des politiques: Note méthodologique

Sommaire. Cet article examine la question du rǒle des échevins dans la formulation des politiques municipales, tout particulièrement les aspects méthodolo-giques de la question. Dans une première section, nous démontrons que la plupart des études qui ont analysé le rǒle des échevins n'ont pas réussi à ex-pliquer l'output municipal. L'échec s'explique par le fait que ces études privi-légient à peu près exclusivement les attitudes des échevins et n'accordent que peu de place aux comportements et au contexte objectif et concret dans lequel les échevins travaillent. Dans une deuxième section nous démontrons, à partir du cas de Hull, comment une étude des conditions concrètes de travail des échevins peut nous éclairer sur la formation des politiques municipales. Cette etude des ‘ faits matériels » du monde des échevins souligne l'importance des administrateurs municipaux. Les décisions du Conseil municipal ne relevent que très peu de considérations abstraites et ces décisions sont prises dans un cadre donné, un cadre en bonne partie façonné par les administrateurs municipaux. En somme, la principale conclusion qui nous semble émerger de l'étude, c'est l'importance, pour bien saisir le rǒle de l'échevin dans la formulation des politiques, de situer ce rǒle dans sa pratique quotidienne. Abstract. This article examines the question of the role of municipal councillors in the formulation of public policy, with particular emphasis on the methodological dimension of this question. In a first section the authors show that most of the studies that have examined the role of municipal councillors have not succeeded in explaining the municipality's policy output. This failure can be explained by the fact that these studies look principally at the attitudes of the councillors and give very little attention to behaviour or to the real environment in which the councillors work. In a second section we attempt to show, based on the example of Hull, how a study of the concrete working conditions of municipal councillors can illuminate the process of policy formulation. This study of the councillors' ‘real world’ illustrates the importance of the municipal administrators. Council decisions are not taken in the abstract, they emerge from a specific context or framework and this framework is largely structured by the municipal administrators. The major conclusion that emerges from the study is the importance, in order to understand the role of municipal councillors in policy-making, of situating this role in the context of the day-to-day work of the councillors.     

论行政机关及行政首长的宪法责任

由于行政机关和行政首长的角色特点,行政机关及行政首长在行使职权的过程中不履行或不当履行义务,可能承担行政责任也可能承担宪法责任;先行存在的宪法义务是行政机关及行政首长承担宪法责任的前提;违宪行为、过错、因果关系、损害事实是行政机关及行政首长宪法责任构成的要件;宪法责任具有政治性,但宪法责任不等同于政治责任;规范性文件被撤销、职务的被罢免或被撤销是行政机关及行政首长宪法责任的主要形式。     

Design and Crime: Proofing Electronic Products and Services against Theft

This paper introduces the work of Project Marc (an EU-funded project to develop mechanisms for assessing the risk of crime) and discusses both difficulties encountered throughout the project and progress made since the project ended. The authors introduce the papers contained within this special edition and summarise their relevance to crime-proofing. The paper discusses progress made within this field in the decade prior to Project Marc and makes recommendations to ensure that the ideas move forward.