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61.
de Leo D  Heller T 《危机》2008,29(1):11-19
Evidence from twin, adoption, and family studies suggests that there is strong aggregation of suicidal behaviors in some families. By comparison, the role of social modeling through peers has yet to be convincingly established. This paper uses data from four large studies (the WHO/EURO Multicentre Study on Suicidal Behaviour, the WHO/SUPRE-MISS, the CASE study, and the Queensland Suicide Register) to compare the effects of exposure to fatal and nonfatal suicidal behavior in family members and nonfamilial associates on the subsequent suicidal behavior of male and female respondents of different ages. Across all studies, we found that prior suicidal behaviors among respondents' social groups were more important predictors of suicidal behavior in the respondents themselves than previous research had indicated. Community-based suicide attempters in the WHO SUPRE-MISS had higher rates of exposure to prior suicide in nonfamilial associates than in family members. In an adolescent population, exposure to prior fatal suicidal behavior did not predict deliberate self-harm when exposure to nonfatal suicidal behavior (both familial and social) were controlled for, but exposure to nonfatal suicidal behaviors in family and friends was predictive of deliberate self-harm and suicide ideation, even after controlling for exposure to fatal suicidal behavior. The potential impact of "containment" of information regarding suicidal behaviors as a prevention initiative is discussed, in light of information behavior principles of social marketing.  相似文献   
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current temporal and spatial trajectories in nanotechnology research in order to display the worldwide patterns of scientific domains across main geo-economic players. Current trends of nanotechnology have been growing in chemistry and medicine because of technological applications of new nanomaterials mainly in Chemical Engineering, Biochemistry, Genetics and Molecular Biology. In addition, the results show that the laboratories of Europe and North America have intensive scientific collaborations with foreign scholars in nanotechnology studies. This paper can provide vital findings to support new research and innovation policies in order to foster the development of these driving converging technologies for future patterns of economic growth.  相似文献   
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Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) help users casting a vote by offering an explicit ranking of viable options. The wide amount of readily available information provided by VAAs to users has been shown to contribute to reducing the transactional costs involved in gathering relevant political information. Available evidence also supports the idea that VAA users are more likely to cast a ballot in elections as a result. The extent to which electoral participation is caused by using a VAA, however, remains unclear. Against this background, we reassess the mobilizing effect of VAAs by means of a multi-method approach. Our cross-sectional analysis of 12 national election study data sets provides further support to the idea that VAA usage increases users’ chances of casting a ballot in elections as compared to non-users. This conclusion is strengthened by the results of a randomized field experiment conducted in the context of the 2013 Italian parliamentary election.  相似文献   
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This special issue presents findings and reflections of scholars who participated in the European Network of Political Ecology (ENTITLE). By mobilising conceptual frameworks from several strands of Marxist and post-structuralist theory—and empirically engaging with a range of historico-geographical processes—the articles in this issue contribute to debates in political ecology in two main ways. First, they critically analyse the political economy and ecology of contemporary capitalism, with an emphasis on accumulation strategies associated with the uneven expansion and crisis of neoliberalism. Specifically, they unpack and critically extend the frameworks of “accumulation by dispossession” and “nature's neoliberalisation” to engage with, among other cases, the political ecology of “austerity” in Southern Europe; historical and contemporary cases of “capital-driven disasters”; and political ecological dynamics taking place around relationships of “rent”. Second, the authors of this special issue analyse new and re-emerging forms of socio-ecological resistance and contestation, including both distributional struggles and movements against “commons' enclosures”. Moreover, they focus on how struggles can (and do) move from contesting capitalist forms of dispossession towards creating alternative “hegemonic” projects and blocs, by critiquing received “common sense” and constructing and performing alternative political ecological imaginaries informed by principles of solidarity and “commoning”. Taken together, the articles in this special issue present new ways of thinking and enacting political and ecological struggles outside established scholarly traditions and conventional disciplines.  相似文献   
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In order to detect switching and/or manipulation of samples, the owner of a stallion asked our lab to perform a DNA test on a positive doping urine sample. The objective was to compare the urine DNA profile versus blood and hair DNA profiles from the same stallion. At first, 10 microsatellite markers were investigated to determine the horse identity. No results were obtained when horse specific markers were typed in the urine sample. In order to confirm the species origin of this sample we analyzed the mitochondrial cytochrome b gene. This analysis from blood and hair samples produced reproducible and clear PCR-RFLP patterns and DNA sequence match with those expected for horse, while the urine sample results were coincident with human. These results allowed us to exclude the urine sample from the questioned stallion and determine its human species origin, confirming the manipulation of urine sample.  相似文献   
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While several studies have dealt with methodological aspects of measuring democracy, little attention has been devoted to the political and ideological issues that affect the construction and structure of these measuring instruments. The aim of this study is twofold: in analysing the cultural and economic dimensions of the Freedom House (FH) organization, it seeks to delineate the political background of FH, thus underlining its neoconservative bias. Secondly, by focusing on the changes over time in the checklists used by FH to measure democracy, this study aims to analyse to what extent these changes are ideologically driven, in particular, to what are they linked to the neoliberal paradigm. Indeed, the hypothesis is that the construction of FH's scales has been affected by the neoliberal climate in which they were conceived. In the first part, the work reconstructs the academic debate about FH's scales and the historical and political context which brought to the affirmation of neoliberal democracy. It also provides a discussion regarding the importance of measurement as a political tool. In the second part, the study provides an analysis of FH through the reconstruction of its political-ideological profile, beginning with the formation of FH to its current internal culture. The third part provides an analysis of the checklists used by FH for measuring democracy. Our findings show that because of the changes in methodology and the strict interconnection between methodological and political aspects, FH data do not offer an unbroken and politically neutral time series, such that their use for cross-time analyses both for research and policy is questionable.  相似文献   
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The Spanish executive centralized political power to manage the politics of austerity better in the aftermath of the Great Recession. This article analyzes the reinforcement of the power of the central government and argues that three explanatory variables—economic crisis, ideology, and party politics—account for recentralization, which is defined as fiscal consolidation, concentration of competences, bureaucratic rationalization, and ideological convergence. The debate about the motives and nature of recentralization (de jure vs. de facto) further polarized the center-periphery cleavage. Regional prosovereignty parties interpreted the reversal of decentralization as another sign that accommodation within Spain was not possible and that contestation was the way forward.  相似文献   
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