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91.
基于风险控制的职业健康和安全管制权力配置研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
职业健康和安全管制本质上属于社会性管制的范畴,其管制过程受到经济市场个体理性与政治市场制度选择的双重影响,这两个要素之间也存在着相互影响、相互制约的关系。权力配置作为外生性制度环境的要素基础,对内生性的经济市场理性具有调节作用,并决定着管制风险的发生概率和管制均衡的实现程度。论文从风险控制与效率优化的角度分析了职业健康和安全管制权力配置的边界、形态及其对权力协作、管制均衡所产生的影响。论文以此为分析框架,分析了不同时期中国职业健康和安全管制的权力配置形态、效率状况及风险控制等问题。论文认为,中国职业健康和安全管制的权力配置应实现由多元分散式协调管理模式向一元单向式综合管理模式的转变。  相似文献   
92.
This article investigates the role of ‘competition’ within Best Value (BV) and compares it with that of Compulsory Competitive Tendering (CCT). Utilising results of a survey of BV lead officers, the article reveals that ‘competition’ is not being used as widely as may have been expected. However, in terms of outcomes, services subject to BV seem to be at least as likely to be provided externally as would have been the case under CCT. Further analysis also considers the impact that party political control and service type have on the use and outcomes of competition.  相似文献   
93.
In the 1830s the poet William Wordsworth bought government annuities on the lives of old men from the Lake District and elsewhere. This episode is recounted for the light which it throws on the history of the government's life annuity business in the early nineteenth century. An account of this business is given, and an explanation offered for the fact that the government suffered heavy losses at the hands of life assurance companies and other speculators, including Wordsworth and the banker friend who led him into the investment. Wordsworth's financial dealings are also considered from the perspective of a literary historian, for the insights which they afford into Wordsworth's understanding of a poet's public and private responsibilities.  相似文献   
94.
性倾向和性别、种族一样,属于因出生而获得的"不可改变"特征,所以应该得到严格审查,得到宪法的平等保护。这一进路遭到了批评,因为关键问题在于政府立法和性倾向之间是否具有关联性。自然科学关于同性恋生物基础的研究对"不可改变"提供了强有力的支持,而这种本质主义的研究遭到了社会建构主义者强有力的批判,身份政治中的这一争论提醒我们,从"我也无能为力"的诉求中,同性恋权利不能获得真正的力量。  相似文献   
95.
刚刚通过的《中华人民共和国刑法修正案(七)》对于绑架罪进行了部分修正,增设了"情节较轻"的减轻构成规定,这虽然具有重要的意义,但是这一减轻构成的评价、理解与适用本身仍是问题。在对绑架罪的减轻构成从规定方式到下限选择作了评述之后,文章继而讨论了对于"情节较轻"的具体理解问题,特别指出在规定了绑架罪"情节较轻"的构成之后要避免的几种错误倾向。同时,修正案对于绑架罪的加重构成未作任何修改,这十分令人遗憾,而本着严格限制死刑适用的初衷,必须对于现有的加重构成进行严格的限制解释。总体而言,修正案对于绑架罪的修改虽有进步但不彻底,可谓是"半截子的革命"。  相似文献   
96.
Identifying children's risk exposure is the first step toward mortality prevention. This retrospective study determined the causes of child fatalities in Dammam, Saudi Arabia. Death reports of children and adolescents from 1999 to 2015 (= 157) were analyzed. Boys represented most cases (69%) and there were two age peaks (1–5 years and 16–18 years). Accidents (typically immersion) defined the main death circumstance (51%) followed by homicide (25%). Only 33% of cases underwent autopsy, and the most common cause of death was head injury (27%) followed by firearm injury. Only one immersion death underwent autopsy. This study revealed important data about the risk exposure of children in Dammam and emphasizes deficient investigative procedures. Child fatality reviews comprise systematic data collection by multidisciplinary teams to determine the true risks toward children in a community. Such teams do not exist in Arab countries; therefore, strategies should be implemented to initiate them.  相似文献   
97.
Since 1991 the super-presidential regime of Islam Karimov in Uzbekistan has successfully defended the country's new independence and his authoritarian rule by cleverly enlisting the aid of outside powers such as Russia, China and the USA. With the means afforded by global export of its staple commodities, the regime has preserved stability by managing occasional conflicts with its neighbours, repressing dissenters when necessary, promulgating an ideology of multi-nationalism, and ample spending on health and educational services, as well as on government employees. The current economic crisis has meant the return of many Uzbeks from elsewhere in Asia, but the regime is trying to offset discontent with more spending.  相似文献   
98.
How do we understand the 15th amendment of the Bangladeshi Constitution that restored the principle of secularism and simultaneously (re)inscribed certain populations as outside the cultural nation? I approach this question through a close reading of the Constituent Assembly debates of 1972. The precarious state of minorities, I contend, is not a symptom of an incomplete or failed secularism but a feature of the violence inherent to the nation-state form. The Bangladeshi example suggests not only that minority is a profoundly unstable category but that some minorities are visibly critical to national self-fashioning while others must be invisibilized as national others.  相似文献   
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