Contributing Factors for High Homicide Rate in Latin America: A Critical Test of Neapolitan’s Regional Subculture of Violence Thesis

The present study critically reviewed and tested Neapolitan’s proposition (1994) that the regional subculture of violence, which encompasses machismo, may explain the high homicide rates of Latin American nations. By using a more updated and larger international homicide data set, the current multiple regression analysis did not support Neapolitan’s argument. Instead, structural factors such as high level of poverty, income inequality, illiteracy, and alcohol consumption level, were shown to be more important predictors for the high homicide rates in Latin America. Thus, the research result weakened Neapolitan’s suggestion (1994) that there are unique components, like regional culture of violence, in Latin American for its high homicide rate. Thus, the current research overcame a biased cultural view by Neapolitan’s study (1994). Finally, the current paper discusses the weaknesses of Neapolitan’s subcultural perspective.     

Police services detention centres: a proposed solution for action

Police services face daily challenges dealing with the health issues displayed by individuals in their custody. They often find themselves isolated from the services that can help the most. This paper scopes relevant literature on these challenges and some of the interprofessional interventions which have emerged to address them, such as the diversionary practices of crisis intervention teams, street triage, nurses in custody suites, and court liaison and diversion. Remote presence technology is proposed to be an innovative solution that can help to provide more efficient and effective pathways for care in Police Detention Centres. Remote presence technology has the ability to significantly affect the way interprofessional collaboration can take place for those in police custody.     

The effect of participation in a conversation on recognition and identification of the speakers' voices

Subjects' recognition of their own voice, the voice of a person they had a conversation with, and the voices of two people they heard converse, were compared. They listened to or conversed with each voice for five minutes and then attempted to recognize each voice from among 26 voices saying the same test phrase. In general, subjects recognized the voice of their conversational partner better than the voices of people they had listened to passively. They did not recognize their own voice better than that of their partner. Subjects who recognized their own voice always identified it without error. Although subjects correctly identified other voices they correctly recognized, they also falsely identified voices they falsely recognized. These results are discussed with respect to their practical implications for voice identification by witnesses in legal proceedings and with respect to current theories of memory.     

Professional self-regulation and guidelines in assisted reproduction

Australia's scientific expertise in ART has not been matched by similar standards in national regulation. Scientific breakthroughs in the early 1980s were followed by cohorts of State and national inquiries. Early guidelines by the National Health and Medical Research Council were followed by status of children legislation clarifying their parentage where donated gametes were used. The practice and procedure of ART was legislatively regulated in Victoria, Western Australia and South Australia but left to guidelines and accreditation of the Fertility Society of Australia in the remaining States and Territories. The article examines the consequences of an absence of national regulation in dealing with embryo experimentation now that debates have shifted to human cloning and stem cell technology. The article also considers arguments for and against regulation in areas of parental procreative decision-making and embryo experimentation.     

Reducing Aboriginal Over-representation in Prison

The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody attributed the high rate of Aboriginal deaths in custody to the over-representation of Aboriginal people in prison. Most analyses of this over-representation focus on the issue of systemic bias in policing, the law or the operation of the criminal justice system. The present article contends that, while discriminatory treatment of Aboriginal people by police and the court system is an historical fact, the leading current cause of Aboriginal over-representation in prison is not systemic bias but high rates of Aboriginal involvement in serious crime. We argue that efforts to reduce Aboriginal imprisonment rates through policing or criminal justice system policy have failed and will continue to fail until they succeed in reducing crime in Aboriginal communities. Future efforts to bring down Aboriginal imprisonment rates should focus on this issue.     

Populism in Canadian foreign policy: the 1986 review revisited

Abstract: Throughout the 1993 federal election campaign Canadians were subjected to reminders that this was an age of disillusioned populists. One response to this new mood was contained in the now popular Red Book entitled “Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada,” in which the right of Canadians to regular and serious consultations on foreign policy issues was to be affirmed and acted upon. This essay explores how an earlier consultation in 1985–86 was accomplished in the most extensive foreign policy review process ever established by the federal government. It examines the bureaucratic attitudes towards such public input and the critical leadership needed by the minister to ensure that a positive response to the parliamentarians' 121 recommendations was obtained from the bureaucracy. If parliamentary committees are to play the middleman role in brokering diverse and competing ideas emanating from public representations on policy, then ministerial interest, involvement, and clout will be deemed necessities before acceptance and policy implementation become a reality among mandarins. Obtaining public input is much easier than moving the bureaucracy in response to that input. The modes of public administration must be adjusted if democratization of policy making is to become a reality. Sommaire: Tout au long de la campagne d'élection fédérale de 1993, les événements ont rappelé aux Canadiens que notre époque était celle des populistes désillusionnés. Parmi les réactions à ce nouvel état d'esprit figurait le “ Livre rouge ”, entre-temps devenu populaire et intitulé“ Créer des possibilités: le Plan libéral pour le Canada ”, qui affirmait les droits des Canadiens àêtre consultés de manière régulière et sérieuse sur les questions de politique étrangère afin qu'on y donne suite. Le présent article examine la manière dont une consultation antérieure (Hockin-Simard, 1985–1986) a été réalisée dans le cadre du processus de réexamen de la politique étrangère le plus approfondi et jamais entrepris par le gouvernement fédéral. Il examine les attitudes des fonctionnaires face à cette participation du public ainsi que le leadership essentiel dont le ministre avait besoin pour s'assurer d'obtenir une réponse positive du fonctionnariat aux 121 recommandations des députés. Si l'on veut que les comités parlementaires jouent le rôle d'intermédiaires pour faire accepter des idées à la fois diverses et contradictoires provenant des soumissions du public sur les questions de politique, il est absolument nécessaire qu'il y ait intérêt, participation, et forte intervention de la part du ministre avant que l'acceptation et la Inise en oeuvre des politiques ne deviennent éalité parmi les bureaucrates. Il est beaucoup plus facile d'obtenir l'avis du public que de faire bouger la bureaucratie à réagir à cet avis. Les usages d'administmtion publique doivent subir des ajustements si l'on veut que la démocratisation de la définition des politiques devienne réalité.