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排序方式: 共有761条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
711.
Comparing Experimental and Matching Methods Using a Large-Scale Voter Mobilization Experiment 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
712.
Using data from the General Social Surveys, this article examines the subculture of violence thesis as it relates to three ethnic groups—blacks, Hispanics, and American Indians. The data suggest that blacks and American Indians have had more violence experiences (hitting and firearms) than have the general population. Contrary to what would be predicted from the thesis, the data indicate that blacks and Hispanics had lower tolerance of violence than the general population. Only American Indians, on all factors considered, appeared to support the thesis. Even this support, however, took on less significance when regression results were examined. Demographic and residential variables explained more of the variance in violence tolerance and experiences with violence than did ethnic background. These findings suggest that the influence of ethnicity on the subculture of violence is minor and indirect. 相似文献
713.
A simple, rapid method using restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs) within the internal transcribed spacer (ITS) regions of the ribosomal DNA gene repeat allows identification of insects and other organisms. We used the method to identify the morphologically similar Diptera larvae that are important in forensic entomology for estimating the time and location of death. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR) was used to amplify a region from the 18S to the 28S rRNA genes. The ITS1 and ITS2 regions provided variation between species and homogeneity within species, with the exception of Cochliomya macellaria. Combinations of the restriction enzymes DdeI, HinfI and Sau3AI provided diagnostic bands for identification of the ten species from three families of Diptera (Calliphoridae, Muscidae and Sarcophagidae). 相似文献
714.
715.
Since the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, U.S. immigrationand refugee policy has developed based on narrow and evolvingtheories of national security. Immigration reformlegislation, federal regulations, and administrative policychanges have been justified in terms of the nation's safety.On 1 March 2003, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service(INS) was folded into the massive new U.S. Department of HomelandSecurity (DHS), formally making immigration a homeland defenseconcern. Counterterror and immigration experts increasingly agree onwhat constitute effective and appropriate immigration policyreforms in light of the terrorist threat. Unfortunately, manyof the post-September 11 policy changes do little to advancepublic safety and violate the rights of refugees and asylumseekers. These include reductions in refugee admissions, thecriminal prosecution of asylum seekers, the blanket detentionof Haitians, and a safe third-country asylum agreement betweenthe United States and Canada. Other measures offend basic rightsand may undermine counterterror efforts. These include preventivearrests, closed deportation proceedings, and call-inregistration programs. This article reviews post-September 11 U.S. policy developmentsbased on their impact on migrant rights and their efficacy ascounterterror measures. It argues for a more nuanced and rigoroussense of national security in crafting refugeeand immigration policy. 相似文献
716.
Outcomes of armed conflict in Afghanistan and Iraq indicate that the U.S. has been unprepared to fully address problems related to establishing social and economic stability, security and governance in the aftermath of war. This is unfortunate, given that U.S. policy makers' nation‐building efforts to achieve stability, security and good governance in these nations do not reflect what they should already have learnt about organisational and institutional development from past experiences providing significant development assistance to highly unstable nations. Based on the analysis rendered in this article, ‘smart practice’ development administration in such nations comprises the following key points that link nation building to institutional/organisational development:
- Nation building (creating new national sovereignty) is different from, and harder than, building government capacity (creating or strengthening institutions and organisations).
- Given that building government capacity typically requires years of patient assistance and financing, it is better to build on existing indigenous institutions like the civil service and military.
- The time and expense of development assistance to high security risk nations means that it is advisable to establish a multi‐lateral development assistance plan and a multi‐national, multi‐institutional framework for financing development to pay for all that is necessary over a long period of time (i.e. 20–50 years).
- Policy makers should emphasise social stability and stable economic growth under self‐governance to prevent actual or perceived economic exploitation.
- Policy makers' diplomatic efforts should secure accommodation of various stakeholders sufficient to permit compromise leading to formation of an independent government.
- Where occupation appears necessary to achieve security and stability, policy makers should allocate enough troops and money to do the job, and accurately assess and report all costs of military occupation and nation building.
- Once occupation has occurred, policy makers should not withdraw military support in a way that would increase the likelihood of civil war.
- Premature withdrawal of security, economic and political support prior to the point where high security risk nations are capable of governing themselves will cause a power vacuum, and may result in fragmented regional leadership by warlords. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
717.
718.
The authors argue that efficient water allocation is possible through markets as long as water rights are well-defined, enforced, and transferable. They provide a framework for considering third-party and free rider affects from water trades. From this framework, they consider the prospects for developing a market for instream flows. The analysis points to problems with the prior appropriation system for establishing instream flow claims but suggests that there is not reason for water policy to stand in the way of transferring existing consumption rights to instream uses. The authors conclude that changes in water policy which capitalize on market forces will result from conservationconservative coalitions. 相似文献
719.
Donald C. MacDonald 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1993,36(3):349-363
Abstract: Ontario's 580 agencies, boards, and commissions (ABCs), including the 91 administrative tribunals, have been a collection of bodies, the product of ad hoc government decisions, with no overall planning or coordination of their operations. During the past decade, on their own initiative, they have developed a coordinating capacity which, if responded to by the government, can enhance their operations as well as assure a more effective program of reform. Sommaire: Les 580 agences et commissions de l'Ontario, y compris les 91 tribunaux administratifs, constituent un groupe d'organismes résultant de décisions gouvernementales ad hoc, sans aucune planification ou coordination globale quant à leur fonctionnement. Au cours de la dernière décennie, suivant leur propre initiative, elles ont développé leur propre fonction de coordination. Si le gouvernement répond à cette initiative, il sera dès lors possible d'améliorer leur fonctionnement et de rendre plus efficace leur programme de réforme. 相似文献
720.
Jame D. Wright Martha Wittig Donald C. Kaminsky 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1993,28(2):81-92
The decade of the 1980s witnessed a dramatic transformation in the character of homelessness in the United States and elsewhere
in the developed world. Whereas in previous decades the U.S. homeless were predominantly older, largely white, brokendown
alcoholic men (or at least were stereotypified as such), today a sizable fraction are women and children. Indeed, women, children,
and youth now comprise more than three-eighths of the total homeless population of the United States (Wright 1989). As the
U.S. homeless have come to be comprised of proportionally more women and children, so have they come more and more to resemble
the street populations of the Third World, where homelessness, family disorganization, exploitation, and abandonment of children
have become increasingly important problems during the past decade. 相似文献