全文获取类型
收费全文 | 449篇 |
免费 | 15篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 34篇 |
工人农民 | 36篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 35篇 |
法律 | 179篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 131篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 15篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 22篇 |
2013年 | 104篇 |
2012年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 17篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 5篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 20篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 9篇 |
2002年 | 12篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 10篇 |
1993年 | 5篇 |
1992年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 5篇 |
1987年 | 7篇 |
1986年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 5篇 |
1973年 | 3篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有464条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
81.
Alicia Summers Stephanie O. Macgill Sophia I. Gatowski Jesse R. Russell Steve Wood 《Juvenile & family court journal》2013,64(2):35-47
This article describes a new method for calculating judicial workload in dependency or child abuse and neglect cases. In contrast to traditional judicial workload methods, the method described herein produces estimates of judicial workload that take into account the complex role of the juvenile dependency court judge—a role that includes both on‐ and off‐the‐bench activities. The method provides workload estimates that give guidance to courts not only about the minimally sufficient judicial resources needed to accommodate current caseload needs, but also what level of judicial resources would be required to hold substantive dependency court hearings that comport with nationally recognized practice recommendations. The article reviews commonly used judicial workload methods, outlines the new method, and uses a pilot of the method as an example of how the method works in practice. Broader implications of this workload method are also discussed. 相似文献
82.
AbstractThis article responds to recent debates within South African media politics regarding the diversity and transformation of the print sector in the country, by suggesting a necessary refocus of previously used methods of measuring media diversity and proposing a more audience-centred approach. This audience-centred method is discussed with regard to meeting the demands of the normative understanding of media diversity, where the media are viewed as central to an individual's formulation of opinions and ideas, thus rendering the media – and particularly the news media – vital in fostering an enabled and informed citizenry. The argument proposes a bottom-up instead of a top-down methodology for measuring media diversity, by placing the primary focus on the public as the starting point, rather than the end point of the analysis, and validating this position through the normative view of the media's role in assisting citizens to formulate personal views. The article concludes by listing four key areas in which current debates on media diversity in South Africa should be realigned and refocused, including at a parliamentary level. 相似文献
83.
The renaissance in the theoretical analysis of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) has focused on formal IGOs (FIGOs), but many IGOs are subject to no formal treaty and/or have no permanent secretariat. Important examples of informal IGOs (IIGOs) include the G-groups that are the locus of much high-level interaction among states. We develop the spectrum of intergovernmental arrangements to show the wide variation in the formalization of international institutions and theorize when states will choose informal arrangements such as an IIGO over (or in combination with) a FIGO. A paired case comparison illustrates our claims that states use IIGOs when they need flexibility, to protect their sovereignty, to maintain close control of information, to lower short term transaction costs for speed, to minimize bureaucracy and to manage uncertainty during times of crisis. Finally, we examine how institutional choice is influenced by power. 相似文献
84.
Although conspiracy theories have long been a staple of American political culture, no research has systematically examined the nature of their support in the mass public. Using four nationally representative surveys, sampled between 2006 and 2011, we find that half of the American public consistently endorses at least one conspiracy theory and that many popular conspiracy theories are differentiated along ideological and anomic dimensions. In contrast with many theoretical speculations, we do not find conspiracism to be a product of greater authoritarianism, ignorance, or political conservatism. Rather, the likelihood of supporting conspiracy theories is strongly predicted by a willingness to believe in other unseen, intentional forces and an attraction to Manichean narratives. These findings both demonstrate the widespread allure of conspiracy theories as political explanations and offer new perspectives on the forces that shape mass opinion and American political culture. 相似文献
85.
On the afternoon of 7 May 1915 the Cunard Liner Lusitania was torpedoed by a German U-boat whilst en route to Liverpool. Consequently in sank with the loss of 1,195 lives. A series of investigative and formal research exercises, undertaken in the light of eye-witness accounts of the events surrounding that tragedy, has given rise to a number of hypotheses concerning the loss of this vessel. In this paper all the available evidence concerning the attack, and the one or more explosions that occurred, is summarised. The conclusions regarding the torpedo effects and the most likely causes of the secondary events are reported. 相似文献
86.
Kenneth W. Abbott Philipp Genschel Duncan Snidal Bernhard Zangl 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(Z1):S83-S101
Regulators and other governors rely on intermediaries to set and implement policies and to regulate targets. Existing literatures focus heavily on intermediaries of a single type – Opportunists, motivated solely by self-interest. But intermediaries can also be motivated by different types of loyalty: to leaders (Vassals), to policies (Zealots), or to institutions (Mandarins). While all three types of loyalists are resistant to the traditional problems of opportunism (slacking and capture), each brings pathologies of its own. We explain the behavioral logic of each type of loyalty and analyze the risks and rewards of different intermediary loyalties – both for governors and for the public interest. We illustrate our claims with examples drawn from many different realms of regulation and governance. 相似文献
87.
The use and non-use of policy appraisal tools in public policy making: an analysis of three European countries and the European Union 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Måns Nilsson Andrew Jordan John Turnpenny Julia Hertin Björn Nykvist Duncan Russel 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(4):335-355
The increasing complexity of policy problems, coupled with the political desire to base new policies on the foundation of firm evidence, has accelerated the development of policy assessment tools. These range from complex computer models and cost benefit analysis through simple checklists and decision trees. In the last decade, many governments have established formal policy assessment systems to harness these tools in order to facilitate more evidence-based policy making. These tools are potentially widely available, but to what extent are they used by policy makers and what becomes of the evidence that they generate? This paper addresses these questions by studying the empirical patterns of tool use across 37 cases in three European countries and the European Commission. It uses a simple classification of tools into advanced, formal and simple types. It finds that even when tools are embedded in policy assessment systems, their use is differentiated and on the whole very limited, in particular when it comes to more advanced tools. It then explores these patterns from contrasting theoretical perspectives to shed light on why, when and how different policy assessment tools are used in the policy process. 相似文献
88.
H. George Frederickson Gary Alan Johnson Curtis Wood 《Public administration review》2004,64(3):320-330
Using historical and numerical analysis and the five-part schema, this study finds that over the past 50 years structural modifications and adaptations by American cities have generally followed the standard S curve of the diffusion of innovation. In tests of Kaufman's and Hirshman's theories of epochs of change from representativeness to administrative efficiency, this study determines that mayor-council cities have, in a standard innovation diffusion S curve, adopted many of the key features of council-manager cities, increasing their administrative efficiency. At the same time, council-manager cities, again in an S curve, have adopted many of the key features of mayor-council cities, increasing their political responsiveness. Fewer cities are now either distinctly mayor-council or council-manager in form, and most cities are structurally less distinct, constituting a newly merged or hybrid model of local government—the type III city. 相似文献
89.
90.
Geof D. Wood 《公共行政管理与发展》1984,4(4):343-360
The theme of this paper is that access has to be discussed along a number of dimensions simultaneously, and that the language of discussion must discard the ‘David and Goliath’ metaphor of the individual versus the large organization. Access is a relationship which occurs systematically, not by chance. Its structural forms are determined by the formation and dissolution of social classes. Although access is more about power than rationality, to be examined more by reference to class struggle than culture, certain groups and classes are structurally unable through both processes to connect with alien criteria of resource allocation. At the same time the development of the bourgeois state and the transformation of rich peasants into rural capitalists cannot be completed without the incorporation of petty owners, tenants and labourers for the appropriation of their surplus value. This is maintained through the ideology of inclusion (populism) which presents access as an opportunity rather than a problem, and operates through the language of community, target groups, special programmes, extension and decentralization. The discussion in this paper is pursued in the context of material collected during fieldwork in the north-east of Bihar State, India where land reform, irrigation and intensive agricultural programmes have been undertaken since the early sixties. 相似文献