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941.
Corruption is a relatively neglected topic in studies of regulatory agencies. The label is applied to a wide range of deviations from behavioral standards ultimately derived from Weber's account of the ideals of Prussian bureaucracy. This paper draws on a study of the work of Saudi Food Inspectors to argue that it is unhelpful to reduce a complex phenomenon to simple allegations of malpractice that can be managed by disciplinary sanctions. Our data show that irregular behavior by street‐level agents may be deeply embedded in the expectations that members of a society have of one another. It is less a matter of personal gain than of maintaining one's recognition as a fellow citizen. Such behavior is not easily changed through sanctions directed at individual inspectors. Our study does not exclude the possibility that irregular behavior can be motivated by personal gain, and properly managed by criminal or similar penalties. However, it does propose that research should be more sensitive to the contexts within which irregular behavior occurs rather than treating “corruption” as a uniform and homogenous phenomenon. 相似文献
942.
This article examines the contested process of law‐making related to the killing of women which resulted in the criminalization of feminicide (feminicidio) and femicide (femicidio) in Mexico and Nicaragua, two countries in which feminists engaged in legal activism to increase state accountability for gendered violence. Through comparative analysis, we demonstrate the importance of (1) the interaction between shifting local political conditions and supranational opportunities and (2) the position of feminist actors vis‐à‐vis the state and its gender regime in shaping regional variation in the making of laws concerning gendered violence. In Mexico, the criminalization of feminicidio resulted from a successful naming and shaming campaign by local feminist actors linked to litigation in various supranational arenas, and the intervention of feminist federal legislators. In Nicaragua, the codification of femicidio resulted from the state's selective responsiveness to feminist demands in a moment of narrow political opportunity within an otherwise highly consolidated regime. We also examine the unmaking of these laws through their perversion in practice (Mexico) and their intentional undermining (Nicaragua) at the hands of the state. Our analysis demonstrates how states' decisions to enact legislation against gendered violence does not occur solely because they are invested in international legitimacy, but also in response to states' shifting acceptance of the legitimacy of supranational authority itself. 相似文献
943.
Junior partners in a coalition government are torn between an eagerness to profile themselves, and to show loyalty to the coalition. We investigate when, how and why junior coalition parties affect foreign policy and profile themselves despite demands for national unity. We study two Swedish centre‐right governments in 2006–2010 and 2010–2014. The parties' foreign policy positions in election manifestos are compared to the foreign policy positions presented in the joint Alliance manifesto and yearly government declarations. An explorative analysis of possible explanations for junior parties' influence is based on elite interviews. The results indicate that junior coalition parties might influence the foreign policy in symbolic value related issues, but less so in issues with real policy implications. Our analysis reveals the importance of the leading member of the coalition and how junior parties converge over time towards the position of the senior coalition member. 相似文献
944.
Why do laws become similar across countries? Is the adoption of similar laws and policies due to factors operating independently within each country? Do countries develop similar rules in response to similar challenges? Or is the similarity of laws and policies due to the interdependent responses that scholars have referred to as processes of policy convergence, transfer, and diffusion? We draw on an analysis of immigration and nationality laws of 22 countries throughout the Western Hemisphere from 1790 to 2010, and of seven case studies of national and international policymaking, to show that policies are often interdependent, even in the domain of immigration law, which scholars have presumed to be relatively immune to external influence. We argue that specific mechanisms of diffusion explain the rise of racist immigration policies in the Americas, their subsequent decline, and the rise of an anti‐discriminatory norm for policies. Most striking among our findings is that at key junctures after 1940, weaker countries effectively advanced an anti‐discriminatory policy agenda against the desires of world powers. We identify the conditions under which weaker countries were able to reach their goals despite opposition from world powers. 相似文献
945.
946.
Jean‐Marc Coicaud 《Global Policy》2019,10(1):110-121
This article explores the perception of democracy today, at the national and international levels. This perception is rather paradoxical. On the one hand, democracy is celebrated. As such it functions as a benchmark of political legitimacy. On the other hand, it is criticized. The article provides explanations for this state of affairs. Among the explanations put forward in order to account for the criticisms of democracy the article stresses the deepening of economic inequalities and a sense of social alienation that has been growing in recent years among the people that globalization and its associated policies are affecting negatively. For the way forward the article offers suggestions in order to improve the reputation and reality of democracy. In this regard it argues that the possibility to improve democracy, both at the national and international levels, is to a large extent based on making it more inclusive (especially economically speaking) and reflective. 相似文献
947.
Mariane Sndergaard‐Jensen 《Global Policy》2019,10(3):427-431
After 50 years of successfully avoiding a costly credit war, OECD governments find themselves back at a “race to the bottom” crossroad. Will OECD governments succeed in maintaining a level playing field? Or will the allure of promoting national interests in this new world order with new global political priorities, increasing competition and a complex globalized world lead governments to restart a race to the bottom and ultimately towards a new credit war? To avoid the path towards a credit war not seen since the 1970s, a renewed commitment is required. Securing a level playing field for OECD exporters and business should have high‐level political priority. The OECD Arrangement for export credits is in need of modernization, but governments must also recognize that securing a level playing field in terms of government financing goes beyond export credits and export finance. Official government involvement in international finance can be trade distortive regardless of the primary purpose of financing. A whole‐of‐government approach to the provision of official international financing, regardless of whether the primary purpose of financing is exports, development or climate, is necessary if OECD governments wish to avoid starting down a costly and destructive path. 相似文献
948.
Yu‐wai Vic Li 《Global Policy》2019,10(4):660-666
The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) appeared at its inception to be a Beijing‐led multilateral development bank that is focused on the financing of mega infrastructure projects. The role for meaningful participation by offshore financial centers such as Hong Kong and Singapore was less defined. This article maps the growing role and influence of these two city‐states within the ongoing development of the AIIB. It analyzes the respective and distinct motivations of Hong Kong and Singapore as members in the AIIB, and assesses how each city is positioning itself to make unique contributions to the new multilateral development bank. 相似文献
949.
Michael Sierra‐Arvalo 《犯罪学》2019,57(4):632-658
Police scholars document that although there is fragmentation of the so‐called “monolithic” police culture, historically consistent features of the occupational culture of police exist. By drawing on ethnographic observations in three U.S. police departments, I describe how one consistent feature of police culture—the preoccupation with danger and potential death—is maintained by the commemoration of officers killed in the line of duty. Through the use of commemorative cultural artifacts, officers and departments construct an organizational memory that locally reflects and reifies the salience of danger and potential death in policing. Furthermore, commemoration of fallen officers is not restricted to a department's own; the dead of other departments are commemorated by distant police organizations and their officers, maintaining broad, occupational assumptions of dangerous and deadly police work that transcend a single department and its localized organizational memory. Implications for the study of police culture, inequalities in policing, and police reform are considered. 相似文献
950.
Cris E. Hughes Ph.D. Beatrix Dudzik Ph.D. Bridget F.B. Algee‐Hewitt Ph.D. Ansley Jones B.A. Bruce E. Anderson Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(2):353-366
Assigning correct population affinity to a skeleton can contribute important information to an investigation—yet recent work highlights high error rates when classifying Latinos with a traditional tool, Fordisc 3.1 (FD3). Our study examines whether misclassification trends exist, and whether these can be used to infer population affinity. We examine the relationships among ancestry, geography, and FD3 misclassifications of Latinos using canonical variate analysis and unsupervised model‐based clustering of craniometrics. Northern Mexicans appear more strongly associated with FD3 references samples with elevated amounts of European ancestry (e.g., American Blacks and Whites), while Southern Mexicans are more strongly associated with FD3 reference samples with reduced amounts of European ancestry (e.g., Guatemalans and Native Americans). FD3 classifications revealed that Latinos exhibited lower posterior probabilities when compared to other common case demographics (Whites and African Americas), even when the classification was “correct.” We make recommendations for practitioner interpretation of FD3 reports for casework. 相似文献