Generalizability of a two-factor measure of young children's suggestibility in Norway and the USA

Abstract

We discuss the development of the Book Suggestibility Scale for Children (BSSC), a two-factor suggestibility measure developed as an alternative to the Video Suggestibility Scale for Children (VSSC; Scullin & Ceci, Personality and Individual Differences, 30, 843–856, 2001). In study 1, both the BSSC and the VSSC were administered to 60 American preschool children. Children responded affirmatively to inaccurate leading questions (Yield) and changed their answers in response to negative feedback from interviewers (Shift) in a similar manner on both scales. In study 2 we found that the BSSC was useful for studies of suggestibility in contexts other than America because 62 Norwegian preschool children responded to questions in a similar manner to an age-range and vocabulary matched group of 31 American children. Results support a two-factor model of suggestibility, although Yield appears to measure suggestibility across scales and situations more consistently than does Shift. American age-matched samples had significantly higher Shift and Yield 2 scores than the Norwegian sample.     

Bounded rationality and social interaction in negotiating a climate agreement

An agreement on climate change mitigation hinges on large-scale international cooperation. Rational agents are supposed to consider the cost and benefits of cooperation, which then determine their negotiation positions. Behavioral economics provides experimental evidence that decision-making in negotiation-like situations is influenced by systematic cognitive biases and social interaction. In this paper, we examine the impact of bounded rationality and social preferences on bargaining in international climate negotiations and illustrate how particular deviations from full rationality affect the incentives to cooperate. Of special interest are fairness preferences for burden-sharing rules and behavioral responses to different framings of climate change and policy, as well as implications of these for communication about climate change. The analysis will further address different levels of representation, including individual citizens, politicians, experts, and (professional) negotiators. The consequences of the most prominent nonstandard preferences and biases for negotiating a climate treaty are assessed, and specific strategies to foster cooperation are suggested.     

The Better Angels of Our Nature: How the Antiprejudice Norm Affects Policy and Party Preferences in Great Britain and Germany

Existing research on public opinion related to race and immigration politics emphasizes the role of prejudice or bias against minority groups. We argue that the social norm against prejudice, and individual motivations to comply with it, are crucial elements omitted from prior analyses. In contemporary Western societies, most citizens receive strong signals that prejudice is not normatively acceptable. We demonstrate that many majority‐group individuals have internalized a motivation to control prejudiced thoughts and actions and that this motivation influences their political behavior in predictable ways. We introduce measures capturing this motivation, develop hypotheses about its influence, and test these hypotheses in three separate experimental and nonexperimental survey studies conducted in Britain and Germany. Our findings support a dual‐process model of political behavior suggesting that while many voters harbor negative stereotypes, they also—particularly when certain contextual signals are present—strive to act in accordance with the “better angels of their natures.”     

Political Homophily and Collaboration in Regional Planning Networks

We study the extent of political homophily—the tendency to form connections with others who are politically similar—in local governments’ decisions to participate in an important form of intergovernmental collaboration: regional planning networks. Using data from a recent survey of California planners and government officials, we develop and test hypotheses about the factors that lead local governments to collaborate within regional planning networks. We find that local governments whose constituents are similar politically, in terms of partisanship and voting behavior, are more likely to collaborate with one another in regional planning efforts than those whose constituents are politically diverse. We conclude that political homophily reduces the transaction costs associated with institutional collective action, even in settings where we expect political considerations to be minimal.     

Short notes on some books received

Using the data collected by the National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) under the Additional Rural Income Survey (ARIS) for the year 1970–71, two models are estimated for the use of HYV wheat seeds. The first model estimated is the logit for the adoption of HYV wheat seeds. The second model estimated is the linear regression model for the percentage of land under HYV wheat for its users. The models include many social and economic variables. The results indicate that the proportion of land irrigated and the availability of tractors on hire in the village are the most significant variables for the adoption decision. Being part of the wheat‐belt region is also a very highly significant variable. The distance of the market from the village is significant in some cases. The proportion of land irrigated is a significant variable in all estimates for the second model also. The land owned (with a negative impact) and the existence of moneylenders are significant in some cases in the second model.     

Saudi-Palestinian Relations During the Run-Up to and the Aftermath of Black September

The Black September events in Jordan in 1970 are an example of the conflict the Palestinian issue presented for monarchic regimes. On the one hand, wealthy regimes such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait wanted to assist the Palestinians in their struggle against Israel, but on the other hand, the moment they understood that siding with the Palestinians could weaken their regimes, they renounced their support. This article, therefore, emphasizes the importance the monarchic regimes in the Persian Gulf attributed to their own stability, and the influence that issue had on their policies within the Arab world.     

‘Belmopan. A New Capital for a New Nation’ State,Nation and Ethnicity at the Time of Independence

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national ‘us’ and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of ‘divide and rule’. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of ‘citizenship from below’.     

INTRODUCTION: WATER RESOURCES AND PUBLIC POLICY

Research in water resource policy historically has reflected more general trends in public policy analysis. This symposium focuses more narrowly upon a sample of some contemporary issues.     

Obtaining public input for health‐systems decision‐making: Past experiences and future prospects

Abstract: Interest in finding more effective methods for public involvement in decision‐making about health systems is more widespread than ever in Canada since significant aspects of health‐care decision‐making were devolved from provincial governments to regional health authorities. Involving the public can be risky business, however, as the accountability and legitimacy of decisions made by governing authorities are often assessed against the nature and degree of interaction that occurs with the public. Consequently, decision‐makers in a variety of policy domains routinely struggle with questions about when it is appropriate to involve the public, what the most effective means are for doing this, and how to measure their success. The authors analysed these issues by documenting the experiences of health‐systems decision‐makers in two Canadian provinces (Ontario and Quebec) with public consultation and participation over the past decade. Their findings illustrate that despite the different roles and responsibilities held by Ontario and Quebec decision‐makers, decisions to consult with their communities are driven by the same basic set of objectives: to obtain information from and to provide information to the community; to ensure fair, transparent and legitimate decision‐making processes; and to garner support for their outcomes. Decision‐makers also acknowledged the need to rethink approaches for involving the public in decision‐making processes in response to the perceived failure of past public participation and consultation processes. While these experiences have clearly left some participation practitioners feeling beleaguered, many are approaching future community consultation processes optimistically with plans for more focused, purposeful consultations that have clear objectives and more formal evaluation tinged with a healthy dose of pragmatism. Sommaire: L'intérêt que I'on porte à trouver des méthodes plus efficaces pour inciter le public à participer à la prise de décisions au sujet des systèmes de santé ne cesse de grandir au Canada depuis que les gouvemements provinciaux ont transféré aux autorités régionales la responsabilité d'importants aspects de la prise de décisions dans ce domaine. Cependant, faire intervenir le public peut être une affaire délicate, car la transparence et la légitimité des décisions prises par les autorités existantes sont souvent évaluées par rapport à la nature et au degré d'interaction qui se produit avec le public. C'est pourquoi, les décideurs dans divers domaines de politiques ont généralement de la difficultéà déterminer quand il convient de demander I'avis du public, quels sont les moyens les plus efficaces pour le faire et comment mesurer leur succès. Nous avons analysé ces questions en documentant les expériences que les décideurs des systèmes de santé de deux provinces canadiennes (l'Ontario et le Québec) avaient eues en ce qui concerne les efforts de participation et de consultation publique au cours de la derniére décennie. Nos conclusions démontrent qu'en dépit des divers rôles tenus et diverses responsabilités assumées par les décideurs de I'Ontario et du Québec, leur déision de consulter leurs communautés est guidée par les mêmes principaux objectifs: obtenir de I'information de la communauté et lui en foumir; assurer des processus de prise de déisions justes, transparents et légitimes et obtenir I'aval de leur décision. Les décideurs ont également reconnu le besoin de repenser les approches visant à faire participer le public aux processus de prise de décisions suite à I'échec perçu des expériences antérieures de participation et de consultation du public. Alors que certains partisans de la participation ont été clairement découragés par ces expériences, un grand nombre envisagent avec optimisme les processus de consultation communautaire. Ils croient que les consultations pourraient être plus focalisées et plus déterminées visant des objectifs clairs et une évaluation plus formelle et empreinte d'une bonne dose de pragmatisme.