Designing a merit‐based process for appointing boards of abcs: Lessons from the Nova Scotia reform experience

Abstract: Efforts to design merit‐based appointment systems for the boards of government agencies, boards and commissions (abcs) have gained greater priority over the past decade in order to enhance public confidence in the integrity of the political process, improve the governance of organizations operating at arm's length from ministers, and reduce the risks to the public interest and public purse that come with incompetent boards. The Nova Scotia reform experience in this regard is instructive because this province's appointment regime not only encompasses a legislative committee veto over ministerial appointments, a power unique to this province in the Canadian and comparative Westminster systems, but also uniquely sets the merit standard as relative‐merit, that is, the appointment of the most qualified of all applicants, and not merely a qualified candidate. This article reviews this provincial experience and concludes that a merit‐based appointment system that pursues relative merit can be created but only by restricting the authority of ministers to a veto over the appointment of candidates nominated by the abcs themselves. Sommaire: Ces dix demières années, les efforts déployés pour concevoir des systemes de nomination au mérite pour les conseils d'administration d'organismes, des régies et des commissions du gouvernement ont obtenu une priorité beaucoup plus grande, et cela, afin de rehausser la confiance du public envers I'intégrite du processus politique, d'ameliorer la gouvernance d'organismes fonctionnant sans contrôle ministériel direct et de réduire les risques que représentent les conseils incompétents pour le bien et les deniers publics. L'expérience de la réforme entreprise en NouvelleÉcosse est à cet égard instructive pour les partisans de la réforme. Le régime de nomination de cette province comporte non seulement un droit de veto de la part d'un comité législatif sur les nominations ministéielles, pouvoir unique à cette province dans le systéme canadien et le systéme comparatif de Westminster, mais il établit également la norme de mérite comme un mérite relatif, c'est‐à‐dire la nomination de la personne la mieux qualifiée parmi tous les candidats et non simplement la nomination d'une personne qualifiée. Le présent article examine I'expérience de cette province et conclut qu'un système de nomination au mérite visant le mérite relatif peut être mis en place, mais seulernent à condition de limiter le pouvoir des ministres à opposer leur veto à la nomination de candidats par les organismes, régies et commissions gouvernementaux.     

Community Participation, the Environment, and Democracy: Brazil in Comparative Perspective

Grassroots environmental activism among Latin America's poor has altered the debate over environmental policy, social welfare, and citizenship. Yet the question remains whether this social mobilization of the poor is part of a larger trend toward broader environmental concerns and democratic political participation, or a shortlived movement susceptible to the same pressures that have dissolved community mobilization in the past. This article compares Brazil with other Latin American and European countries in surveys of environmental awareness, concerns, and reported behavior. It finds that Brazilians residing in the urban periphery link their own local environmental concerns to more global considerations, and that concern for and activism on environmental issues is positively related to wider community involvement.     

Public school adjustment of delinquent boys after release from a juvenile corrective institution

This paper concerning the public school adjustment of delinquent boys after release from a juvenile corrective institution is based on research data obtained as part of a followup study. Seventy-two percent of the 94 teenage boys in our sample returned to school in the community, but over three-fourths of them dropped out. Although we examined several factors associated with the boys' post-release school adjustment, we focused our inquiry on the small group of 14 boys who completed high school. A few personal and social factors were related to public school outcome, i.e., whether the boys graduated or not. However, we also found that all the boys who finished high schol had received some suppoprt from a structured environment or from interested people in contrast to a majority of the boys who dropped out. None of the boys who graduated was involved in antisocial behavior while in school and only two, or 14%, had gotten into serious legal trouble during the 3-year followup period in comparison to 40% of the boys who dropped out and 50% of those who never attended school after release.Received Ph.D. from University of Houston in 1956. Currently Clinical Psychology Fellow at The Menninger Foundation. Major interest is in child and adolescent psychology.Graduate work, sociology, University of Kansas. Major interest is in juvenile delinquency.     

Fatalities by ingestion of propylene glycol

Propylene glycol (PG), a widely used solvent and lubricant, is thought to have low toxicity when ingested. Three cases were identified where PG, either alone or in combination with other chemical agents, contributed to death. The decedent in whom PG was the sole agent was a 32-year-old schizophrenic man with cardiomegaly and renal impairment. The blood PG concentration was 4410 mg/L at least 9.5 h following ingestion.     

The paradoxical politics of provider reempowerment

The recent decline, indeed perhaps dismantling, of managed care is sometimes treated as both consequence and cause of the political reempowerment of medical providers, whose professional dominance managed care had challenged. Drawing evidence from Round III of the Community Tracking Study of the Center for Studying Health System Change, this article reviews the politics of four "arenas" of managed care regulation--prompt payment, mandated benefits, external appeals, and financial solvency--and concludes that the power of providers is contingent on patterns of coalition and conflict that differ across the discrete arenas. The zero-sum connotations of the "de" and "re" empowerment of providers under managed care fail to capture the subtlety of providers' search for fresh cultural, economic, and political resources in shifting policy contexts.     

Abortion in Australia: access versus protest

Currently in Australia anti-choice protesters' right to freedom of speech and freedom to protest is privileged over a woman's right to privacy and to access a health service safely, free from harassment, intimidation and obstruction. This article considers how this situation is played out daily at one Victorian abortion-providing clinic. The Fertility Control Clinic was thrown into the spotlight after the murder of its security guard by an anti-choice crusader in July 2001. Australian common law appears not to offer women protection from anti-choice protesters. By contrast, United States and Canadian "bubble" legislation sits comfortably with key constitutional rights. It would be a useful development if Australian governments passed legislation to ensure the rights, wellbeing and safety of Australian women accessing health services. Such legislation would be another step away from the misogynistic and androcentric values once central to our legislative framework.     

Selective Sexual Harassment: Differential Treatment of Similar Groups of Women Workers

If male workers categorize different groups of women coworkers and, subsequently, treat them differently, the experiences of women from one of these groups would not be indicative of the experiences of women from another group. When this different treatment involves hostile environment sexual harassment of one group, but not the other, then the law must recognize the possibility of "selective sexual harassment." Without this understanding of the nuances of the workplace dynamics, a court could mistake the women of the unharassed group as representing "reasonable women" and the women of the harassed group as simply oversensitive. This paper draws on empirical data to demonstrate such a situation and advocates for a version of the "reasonable victim" standard to facilitate a closer analysis of hostile environment sexual harassment suits.