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991.
David R. Jones 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(4):53-68
While much has been written about the increase in filibustering over the past two decades, there has been very little discussion of the fact that, even today, opponents of legislation that could be filibustered often do not exercise this institutional right – even when doing so means the difference between defeat and passage of the measure. This study seeks to explain why legislation opposed by a cloture‐preventing minority is not always filibustered. Based on a broader look at the strategic environment facing senators, this study lays out six specific hypotheses. Analysis of data from 1947–98 provides substantial empirical support for most of these hypotheses, demonstrating that the strategic calculations behind the decision to filibuster are complex and multifaceted. In particular, this study finds that for legislation on which opponents have a clear incentive to filibuster, restraint is more likely to occur when the workload is light, when parties are not polarised, when the president favours the measure, when opponents’ cloture‐preventing margin is slim, and on minor legislation. 相似文献
992.
993.
This article examines the public legitimacy of the National Assembly for Wales. Both the Assembly and the broader system of devolved government for Wales initially enjoyed very limited public support. It is shown that support for devolution in general has risen substantially, while some elements of public attitudes towards the Assembly itself now appear distinctly positive. However, it is also demonstrated that public legitimacy, defined as ‘diffuse support’ for the Assembly, remains limited. The article then examines what factors explain levels of diffuse support for the National Assembly. It is found that variation in such support is best accounted for by factors associated with ‘non-material consequentialism’: perceptions of the impact of the Assembly on the process of government. The conclusion assesses the implications of the findings for the National Assembly, as well as for the study of devolution and political institutions more generally. 相似文献
994.
The purpose of this paper is to independently evaluate the impact of the Comprehensive Performance Assessment regime on one particular public service, namely the provision of council tax and housing benefits distributed by local authorities throughout the course of the regime. This service was assessed in every iteration of the CPA methodologies and it included one of the few key performance indicators (KPIs) where the definition of the performance indicator, the means of collection and the public reporting of its results, remained the same throughout the CPA period between 2002 and 2008. The findings show that there were considerable and consistent improvements in benefits administration nationally within England and across all of its regions. The paper then investigates a series of propositions. Whether there was any significant variations in the performance of larger as opposed to smaller authorities, or between predominantly rural authority areas and urban authorities or between authorities with different party political control. Finding no significant differences the research suggests implementation of the CPA regime itself appears to have had a catalytic effect upon the performance of the benefit administration services within local authorities throughout this period. The paper therefore concludes with a brief discussion as to whether the findings support the theoretical position of proponents of neo-institutionalism isomorphism or more traditional rational actor theories of public choice. 相似文献
995.
Clive Jones 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):20-34
The February 2009 elections mark a water-shed in Israeli politics and highlight an increasingly rightward drift in Israeli politics: Labour had its worst ever result. The violent intifada shattered belief that negotiations with the Palestinians could ever be successful and the security barrier seemed increasingly necessary if Israel was to remain both Jewish and democratic. The coalition government constructed by Binyamin Netanyahu was carefully balanced and looks durable, the more so as, somewhat surprisingly, it includes Labour and Barak as defence minister. Kadima could face some hard days in opposition unless Netanyahu falls out with Washington, or the coalition collapses. 相似文献
996.
997.
Ellen Mickiewicz 《政治交往》2013,30(3):355-380
Citizens in democracies are expected to make better decisions if they understand policy tradeoffs. However, politicians rarely have incentives to communicate them; citizens are uncomfortable choosing among valued outcomes; and devising a common metric is difficult. It is not surprising that in the United States the environment provides relatively little cuing or priming of tradeoffs in television news. Russian citizens, on the other hand, face a media environment in which tradeoff cuing is intentionally suppressed by owners' agendas, yet viewers detect concealed tradeoffs even in the absence of tradeoff priming and viewpoint diversity. Analysis of discourse among ordinary Russians in 16 focus groups convened in four cities, differentiated by political reform and media market environments, showed that when watching news in which tradeoffs are thoroughly concealed, viewers challenge stories by offering a broad spectrum of uncued tradeoffs. Tradeoffs come from diverse policy domains and represent a range of cognitive strategies, some of which are considerably more abstract than others and link elements of their observations and assumptions (together with what they can extract from the stories) into complex reasoning outcomes. 相似文献
998.
Abstract Much research on residential mobility relies on examining people's choices within the context of what is available in a local housing market. However, it is difficult to determine the demand for alternative housing or neighborhood types that may not be available or are available only in limited quantities. Hence, the market may not accurately reveal consumer preferences for such alternatives. We estimate a discrete choice model of neighborhood choice by using data from a choice‐based conjoint analysis survey that allows us to vary characteristics experimentally. The model is used to determine consumer preferences for neotraditional neighborhood design features, including neighborhood layout, housing density, surrounding open space, and commuting time, while holding other characteristics, including school quality and neighborhood safety, constant. The results indicate that the neotraditional design with higher density is less preferred on average, but that niche marketing, additional open space, or other amenities can overcome its negative effects. 相似文献
999.
Large‐scale shale gas reserves have recently been discovered under many parts of the UK. Although the UK government and the business community have been very keen to stress the economic benefits associated with the development of these resources, a range of environmental organisations and community groups are vociferously opposed to such development. With this in mind, this research note describes the characteristics of shale oil and hydraulic fracturing, outlines the initial developments within the UK, rehearses some of the principal arguments and claims on the perceived benefits and costs associated with the hydraulic fracturing of gas shale resources and offers a discussion on how the case for and against shale gas development is being made. The discussion suggests that local opposition groups are well organised and have been harnessing information and communication technologies and social media to good effect. Within the shale gas industry, there is a consensus that managing and turning round widespread negative public perceptions about shale gas development will be essential if shale gas resources are to be commercially exploited. Public relations and media companies will have a key role to play in achieving that goal, but they face a range of testing challenges if they are to be successful. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
1000.
David A. Jones 《美中公共管理》2013,(8):763-772
China is the "factory to the world", but little is known outside of China about the small to medium size (SMS) Chinese factory. This ignorance can cause considerable misunderstanding, particularly among Western buyers of goods made in China. The Chinese factory originated in the 18th century and changed as China itself has changed. Still, the Chinese factory is different from factories that emerged in the 18th century Europe and the 19th century America, during their respective "industrial revolution" periods. This paper is a qualitative analysis of the SMS Chinese factory more than a decade into the 21st century, across industries, across regions, based on the author's participant observation in the course of 14 research trips to China lasting a total of two years across a 10-year time period. China has the most efficient SMS factories in the world, although many are working significantly below capacity. New Chinese factories are state-of-the-art, clean, healthful, safe, and able to deliver orders substantially on targeted schedule. Quality Control (QC) can be erratic and passed on to the buyer. On balance, strengths far exceed weaknesses, and opportunities outweigh threats, even as Taiwanese investments begin to be withdrawn from mainland China. 相似文献