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321.
Political behavior is triggered by the presence of a variety of material and cognitive resources, including political efficacy.
The dominant view conceptualizes efficacy as capital, used to overcome obstacles to participation. Our theory suggests that
unlike other resources, efficacy aids in the development of habitual participation by activating a particular negative emotion,
anger. Using the 1990–1992 NES Panel, we find that internal efficacy boosts participation in part by facilitating anger, but
not fear, in response to policy threats. This partial mediating effect operates primarily among younger citizens who are in
the process of developing the habit of participation. External efficacy, because it is not self-referential, is not causally
linked to participation via emotions. Finally, internal efficacy is enhanced by successful participation in politics, closing
a feedback loop that helps explain participatory habits.
相似文献
Nicholas A. ValentinoEmail: |
322.
William P. Evans Lorie L. Sicafuse Eric S. Killian Laura A. Davidson Deborah Loesch-Griffin 《Child & Youth Services》2013,34(1-2):35-52
Using a Web-based survey, this study examined youth workers' professional development participation, preferences, and levels of agency support and the relationships between these variables and youth worker characteristics. Results revealed a positive relationship between participation in professional development opportunities and youth workers' self-reported job competency but also indicated low levels of agency support for participation in continuing education. Though perceptions of critical training topics varied among program staff from different geographic areas, most youth workers reported similar training experiences and interests regardless of their individual characteristics. Collaborative approaches to training and professional development may result in increased exposure to a broad range of professional development opportunities and significantly enhance the quality of youth programming. 相似文献
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Eric T. Weber 《政策研究评论》2008,25(6):608-618
I have recently traveled to South Korea, where Seoul National University hosted the XXII World Congress of Philosophy, the first time the congress has been hosted in Asia. I was astonished by the pervasive use of many of the latest technological advancements. Among the most impressive changes were environmental. The methods employed in hotels and at the University for minimizing unnecessary consumption of electricity were exemplary. Given the great need America has now for developing its economy, and preferably in a way that does not easily lend itself to outsourcing, South Korea can serve as a model for change implemented through the development and manufacturing of advanced technological tools including high‐speed internet access, which will be the focus of the present paper. Some changes have begun already in some arenas of industry and responsiveness to environmental forces, such as in Toyota's decision to move from making SUV's in its new factory coming to Tupelo, Mississippi, to making only the Prius. But Americans have let the governmental incentives for a number of environmentally preferable products run out, and have not lead the way in the propagation of new renewable energy source technologies. Also, America's common approach to the propagation of technological and business development with the use of tax‐incentives is fundamentally different far less forceful than the South Korean approach I will discuss. 相似文献
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Rational choice scholarship posits two principal theories to explain why political institutions emerge and change: cooperation theory and conflict theory. We evaluate cooperation theory and conflict theory to explain the emergence of common property institutions among a group of Maasai pastoralists in southwestern Kenya. Our empirical results show that the change to common property is best explained by conflict theory. 相似文献
328.
Eric A. Coleman 《Public administration review》2014,74(5):642-654
This article examines the robustness of citizen involvement in decentralized governance. It develops two behavioral theories of citizen involvement and examines their relative explanatory power with survey data collected from subsistence households in forest‐dependent communities in Bolivia, Kenya, Mexico, and Uganda. Counterintuitively, the analysis finds that households that have been engaged with collective action the longest are the most likely to disengage from decentralized institutions once they confront crises. This result is interpreted in light of psychological self‐licensing theory: people justify noninvolvement with decentralization precisely because of their past effort. This result implies that policies that rely on local involvement may be unsustainable insofar as they fail to address the underlying vulnerability of local users. In order to ensure that citizen involvement with decentralized governance is consistent and effective, policies need to address the structural factors that make users vulnerable to crises. 相似文献
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