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61.
Europ?isches und deutsches Recht setzen neuerdings stark auf eine ausgebaute Biomassenutzung
zur Strom-, W?rme- und Treibstoffgewinnung. Die Biomassenutzung weist eine Reihe ?kologisch-
sozialer Vor-, aber auch Nachteile auf. Das bisherige, aber auch das zur Verabschiedung anstehende neue
europ?ische und deutsche Bioenergierecht l?st diese nicht immer hinreichend auf. Nachhaltigkeitskriterienkataloge
k?nnen diese Rolle auch strukturell nur begrenzt übernehmen, unter anderem weil sie die n?tige
Komplexit?t nicht abbilden, Verlagerungseffekte nicht vermeiden und bestimmte zentrale Aspekte (etwa
das Weltern?hrungsproblem) erst gar nicht abbilden k?nnen; und wenn, dann müssten die Kataloge
über die aktuellen EU-Vorschl?ge hinausgehen. Wirkungsvoller für die Bioenergienutzung selbst
wie auch in der Energiepolitik insgesamt w?re aber eine einschneidende Energieeffizienzpolitik –
die den Gesamtverbrauch senken und damit die ?kologisch-sozialen Ambivalenzen überschaubarer machen
würden, wenn langfristig die erneuerbaren Energien 100% der Versorgung in einer “kohlenstofffreien
Wirtschaft” übernehmen. In Verbindung mit der Analyse der Ambivalenzen bietet der vorliegende
Beitrag zugleich einen kurzen überblick über das Bioenergierecht. 相似文献
62.
Felix Gerlsbeck 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2018,21(2):218-241
It has proven difficult to reconcile epistemic justifications of political authority, especially epistemic theories of democracy, with a basic liberal commitment to respecting reasonable value pluralism. The latter seems to imply that there can be no universally acceptable substantive outcome standard to evaluate the epistemic reliability of different political procedures. This paper shows that this objection rests on an implausible interpretation of political competence. In particular, the paper defends two claims: first, that epistemic theories of political authority are in fact compatible with a liberal commitment to respecting reasonable pluralism; but second, that if we take reasonable pluralism seriously, the standard of competence we should use is a pragmatic one. Good political decision procedures reliably fix practical problems of social coordination and adapt to new demands and developments; we need not demand that their decisions are all-things-considered just or optimal. This pragmatic account of political competence is compatible with reasonable pluralism, since on this basis we can comparatively evaluate political procedures without controversially asserting a single standard of ‘truth’ in politics. Hence, it is possible to give an epistemic account of political authority that works within a liberal theory of political justification. 相似文献
63.
Quantitative-oriented diffusion studies, either focused on diffusion patterns or mechanisms, take for granted that policy adoptions are manifest and therefore directly observable in the legislation. A more nuanced perspective of policy adoption taking into account gradual differences between adoption and non-adoption is proposed with this paper, valid for diffusion among communities and states in federal settings and among countries on the global level. Besides the aspect of visibility, intentions are also important when measures are adopted. While some measures are transferred with a clear instrumental aim, others are rather transferred for symbolical reasons. Looking at specific processes, the paper proposes a concept that disentangles the current understanding of policy diffusion and provides empirical evidence that current diffusion research misconceives instances. The four different transfer types are illustrated with empirical evidence from sub-national energy policy-making in Switzerland. The systematic investigation of the cases allows to finding explanations for the different transfer types. 相似文献
64.
Reber Ueli Fischer Manuel Ingold Karin Kienast Felix Hersperger Anna M. Grütter Rolf Benz Robin 《Policy Sciences》2022,55(2):311-335
Policy Sciences - The effective conservation and promotion of biodiversity requires its integration into a wide range of sectoral policies. For this to happen, the issue must receive attention... 相似文献
65.
66.
Before 1874 and after 1964, the evolution of federalism and related political discourses is well known. Between these years, however, stretches a terra incognita, which this political‐historical essay tries to explore. This period was characterised by a steady shift of power from the Canton's to the Confederation, resulting in the frequent re‐grouping of federalists and centralists. Before the First World War, traditionalists from central and occidental Switzerland fiercely defended a confederalist vision. During the interwar years, things quietened down. The modern federal State organisation was no longer fundamentally questioned, and the debate focused on technical questions. The “geistige Landesverteidigung” (moral defence of the country against fascism) secured an enduring yet problematic place for federalism in Swiss culture by transforming it into the “unity in diversity” principle. After the Second World War, modernising forces resulted in the “executive and co‐operative federalism” that we know today. 相似文献
67.
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69.
Felix Heiduk 《German politics》2014,23(1-2):118-133
While Germany's ‘Chinapolitik’ under Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was driven by economic interests, Angela Merkel promised a normative turn in foreign policy toward China. This apparent turn became most visible in 2007 when she met with the Dalai Lama, which caused strong diplomatic protest from Beijing. This article asks whether Germany's foreign policy toward China did in fact shift under the leadership of Angela Merkel. Based on cognitive approaches, especially image theory, the perception(s) of China held by Chancellor Merkel and their impact on German foreign policy toward China are analysed. The findings suggest that the dominant image of China is that of a key trade partner on whom Germany's economy is increasingly dependent with little emphasis given to the political or normative discrepancies between the two countries. The article argues that Sino-German relations under Merkel appear to be more one-dimensional than the fall-out over the Dalai Lama issue suggests. 相似文献
70.
Felix Odartey-Wellington 《Communication Law & Policy》2013,18(2):121-154
The Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission provoked extensive debate in 2004 when, in a seminal decision, it approved controversial and popular satellite television network Al-Jazeera Arabic for Canadian distribution. While the broadcast regulator's decision placed what some consider onerous responsibilities on potential Al-Jazeera carriers, others argue that given past egregious incidents of abusive speech on the network, it should not have been approved at all. This article accounts for the policy and regulatory context in which the Al-Jazeera decision is situated and the factors leading to the decision. The article argues that in proscribing abusive speech on the airwaves, the regulator locates freedom of expression within the context of a mandate to ensure that the Canadian broadcasting system makes a tolerant, multiethnic and multicultural Canadian nation imaginable. 相似文献