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131.
Imidacloprid [1-(6-chloro-3pyridylmethyl)-N-nitroimidazolidin-2-ylideneamine] is a new and potent nitromethylene insecticide with high insecticidal activity at very low application rates. It is the first highly effective insecticide that, like nicotine, acts on the nervous system, causing blockage of postsynaptic nicotinergic acetylcholine receptors. Two fatal cases with this insecticide in two male individuals, of 33 and 66 years old, are presented. An LC/MS with electrospray method for measuring imidacloprid and its metabolites in post-mortem samples is described. In the chromatographic separation, a reverse-phase column XTerra MS C18 (2.1mm i.d.x 150 mm, 5 microm) was used and the mobile phase composed with acetonitrile and 0.1% formic acid (15:85), at a 0.25 mL/min flow rate. Samples were prepared with a liquid-liquid extraction procedure with dichloromethane. Calibration curves for imidacloprid in blood and urine samples were linear from 0.2 to 15 microg/mL. The mean recovery was 86% with a coefficient of variation of +/-5.9%. The detection limit was 0.002 microg/mL. Quantitative results were obtained for all post-mortem matrices available of the two fatal cases: blood, urine, stomach contents, lung, liver and kidney. The imidacloprid blood concentrations found in two-cases were 12.5 and 2.05 microg/mL. The authors validated a method to detect and quantify imidacloprid in post-mortem samples, and to our knowledge for the first time a post-mortem tissue distribution was performed on various samples for this insecticide.  相似文献   
132.
Luminescence is specially a useful property for the search of invisible evidences at the scene of a crime. In the latent fingerprints particular case, there are at one's disposal fluorescent reagents for their localization. The study of latent lip prints (that is lip prints from protective lipstick, or permanent or long-lasting lipstick that do not leave any visible marks) is more recent than fingerprints study. Because of the different composition of both types of prints, different reagents have been tried out on their developing. Although, lysochromes are particularly useful reagents to obtain latent lip prints, it may occur on coloured or multicoloured surfaces, the developing is not perceived due to contrast problems between the reagent and the surface where the print is searched. Again, luminescence offers the possibility to solve this problem. Nile Red is being studied as a potential developer for latent lip prints. The results on very old prints (over 1year) indicate that this reagent is highly efficient to get latent lip prints.  相似文献   
133.
This study introduces a Portuguese-language version of psychopathy checklist-revised (PCL-R) [Harv. Mental Health Lett. 12 (1995) 4] in the Brazilian penitentiary system. Hare's scale is used extensively in many other countries. In a forensic population sample of 56 male subjects classified as psychopaths and non-psychopaths [Manual for the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, Multi-Health System, Toronto, 1991], 33 correlated to global personality disorder (GPD) and 23 to partial personality disorder (PPD), respectively, subtypes of antisocial personality disorder [Manual for the Hare Psychopathy Checklist-Revised, Multi-Health System, Toronto, 1991]. Subjects were evaluated through psychiatric and neurological examinations, review of judicial records, Rorschach and PCL-R. A control group of 30 subjects without criminological or psychiatric history was also evaluated with the same instruments. PCL-R validation and identification of cutoff score for Psychopathy (GPD group) was assessed through the concurrent use of the Rorschach. PCL-R cutoff score for the Brazilian population was set at 23. Sensitivity was determined at 84.8%, and reliability was high (Kappa index = 0.87). GPD individuals were characterized as clearly psychopathic according to PCL-R criteria while PPD individuals can only be considered mildly psychopathic, with better chance of rehabilitation.  相似文献   
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This article introduces a Crime, Law & Social Change special issue on rethinking organised crime, collective violence and insecurity in contemporary Latin America. The five contributions, which among them cover the cases of Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala and Mexico, address the puzzle of why and how in the midst of the world’s most serious crime and violence crisis ‘stability’ and ‘political order’ are nonetheless maintained. Taking a critical distance to conventional scholarship on these problems, the present collection of papers shifts the focus from one on how democratic regimes and formal institutions of the state are affected to a broader one that puts the spotlight on the ‘real politics’ and ‘real governance’ of crime and violence in the region. Cultural aspects of the ‘collapse of legality’, the holding power of informal institutions and the workings of ‘crimilegal orders’ and ‘criminalized electoral politics’ are explored through variegated conceptual and methodological approaches drawn from political science, criminology, sociology, social psychology, cultural studies and investigative journalism.  相似文献   
137.
Mexico has for an extended period been experiencing homicide rates above, or close to, epidemic levels. Instead of examining why formal institutional reform geared at strengthening democracy has not helped to foment peace and security, as most of the research on collective violence in Latin America and the Caribbean does, this paper focuses on the gap between formal and informal institutions, and continuities rather than points of rupture. I argue that in Mexico, there is a gap between formal institutions (which define how the country should be) and informal institutions (which constrain actual strategic choices). I apply a path-dependence approach to examine what factors have been reproducing collective violence over time, finding that the prevalence of protection rackets (operated by non-state actors at the subnational level) and the use of kingpin strategies (both by state and non-state actors) explain collective violence in the past but also in the present. In the past decades, informal pacts and kingpin strategies have changed in Mexico, but they have survived and adapted to the new formally democratic institutional setting. For the period 1989-2017, I identify three critical junctures that changed the rules of the game, four mechanisms of inertia, and two factors of lock-in that make it difficult to reduce collective violence.  相似文献   
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