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Theoretical assumptions outlined by Erik Erikson on psychosocial crisis resolution hypothesizes that the positive resolution of the identity crisis is predictive of more mature intimacy formation. To test this hypothesis, college-aged late adolescents (48 subjects) completed interviews and selfreport instruments measuring identity formation and degree of intimacy along with daily records of social interactions for one week. Analyses indicated a complex association between identity and intimacy formation. Comparisons were made between the exploration and commitment process of identity and the measures of intimacy formation and social interaction measures. Numerous complex sex differences were observed with several interactions between gender, exploration, commitment, and intimacy context. Findings are discussed in terms of broadening future research direction beyond the simple study of the linkage of identity and intimacy.Partial funding for this study was provided through a grant to the second author. Support was given by Science and Education Administration/United States Department of Agriculture and the Utah State Agricultural Experiment Station.Research interests include adolescent development, personality and social relations, and mental health issues.Research interests focus on personality and social development in adolescence.Research interests include psychotherapy, mental health, and psychopathology.  相似文献   
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Abstract

In the space of 24 years, Ukraine has experienced three ‘revolutions’: the revolution for independence, the ‘Orange Revolution’ and the ‘Dignity Revolution’. On each occasion the event has been lauded as a triumph of democracy over authoritarianism and as evidence that Ukraine will soon be able to assume its rightful place as a free, democratic state in Europe. On two out of three occasions the reverse has occurred; while the people have taken to the streets to protest against flagrant corruption and abuse of power, the oligarchs have responded with only minor changes to the political system. The reins of political and economic power have remained firmly in their hands, and Ukraine’s prospects for political and economic development have deteriorated. The Dignity Revolution of 2014 is seen as different from preceding revolutions because civil society appeared to be much more active and it has succeeded, in part, in maintaining pressure on government for reform. It is important to understand, however, that despite periodic and dramatic demonstrations of outrage over the corrupt and authoritarian practices of the political elites, civil society has generally been classed as apathetic, weak and ineffectual. Thus, the current challenge for Ukrainian civil society is to overcome its own limitations so that it can better hold government to account.  相似文献   
886.
According to the scientific literature, childrens’ cognitive development is not complete until adolescence. Therefore, the problems inherent in children serving as witnesses are crucial. In preschool‐aged children, false memories may be identified because of misinformation and insight bias. Additionally, they are susceptible of suggestions. The aim of this study was to verify the levels of suggestibility in children between three and 5 years of age. Ninety‐two children were examined (44 male, 48 female; M = 4.5 years, SD = 9.62). We used the correlation coefficient (Pearson's r) and the averages variance by SPSS statistical program. The results concluded that: younger children are almost always more susceptible to suggestibility. The dimension of immediate recall was negatively correlates with that of total suggestibility (r = ?0.357 p < 0.001). Social compliance and source monitoring errors contribute to patterns of suggestibility, because older children shift their answers more often (r = 0.394 p < 0.001). Younger children change their answers more times (r = ?0.395 p < 0.001).  相似文献   
887.
In Japan, concerns toward contemporary youth offending and violence have resulted in multiple changes in the treatment of youth. These changes are the result of negative societal perceptions of youth following a string of violent youth-on-youth murders and media sensationalizing juvenile crimes. Compared to what is known about male criminality, very little is known about female criminality, particularly about important risk and promotive factors for delinquency. Using the risk factor prevention paradigm, the study investigates potential risk and promotive factors for delinquency in 219 Osaka female youths, aged 15–18. The findings show that the strongest risk factors were high risk-taking and having troubled peers, whereas having a nonworking mother had promotive effects. Females were also compared to males, and the only significantly different factor was having a nonworking mother.  相似文献   
888.
In the present study, we investigated whether respectful treatment shaped participants’ perceptions of procedural justice during interactions with out-group authorities, and whether the effects of respectful treatment would extend to participants’ attachment to their in-group and to the authority’s social group. We hypothesised that the nature of the relationship between the out-group and a participant’s social group (diametrically opposed vs. not opposed to one another) would moderate the effect of respect on participants’ procedural justice judgements, attachment to the in-group, and attachment to the out-group. Participants (n = 186) read a short, fictitious news story describing an interaction between a fellow in-group member (the subordinate) and an authority. As predicted, respectful treatment increased perceptions of procedural justice and also led participants to feel more attached to the authority’s social group. Contrary to expectation, participants’ attachment to their in-group was not affected by treatment, but instead by authority group membership: interactions with an authority from a social group diametrically opposed to the participant’s social group led participants to become significantly more attached to their in-group, regardless of the authority’s behaviour (respectful vs. disrespectful) in the interaction. Results are discussed in terms of practical strategies for authorities to effectively manage interactions with out-group subordinates.  相似文献   
889.
This study examines the use of the Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument-Second Version (MAYSI-2) for mental health needs among 1643 youngsters in residential welfare/justice institutions in Europe and the USA, identifying gender differences across countries and settings. Overall, the MAYSI-2 appeared to be a reliable instrument among these youngsters, with only some scales falling (slightly) below the threshold of acceptable internal consistency. Girls (vs. boys) in Belgian/USA justice institutions and Swiss mixed welfare/justice institutions displayed higher scores for the angry–irritable, depressed–anxious, somatic complaints, suicide ideation scales. Also, detained girls from Belgium and Switzerland reported higher scores for traumatic experiences. No gender differences were revealed among adolescents in German welfare institutions. Our findings suggest that the MAYSI-2 may serve as a useful mental health screening instrument among youngsters in welfare/justice institutions and that girls in justice institutions and mixed welfare/justice institutions form a particularly vulnerable population with regard to mental health problems.  相似文献   
890.
The Supreme Court has asserted that ex-felon disenfranchisement is not a punishment. Regardless of the Court’s interpretation, however, many ex-felons perceive restrictions on voting rights as punitive. Therefore, felony disenfranchisement should be examined in terms of criminological theories of sanctions. In Florida, ex-felons are prevented from voting after the completion of their sentence until they go through a lengthy and in some cases impossible process of rights restoration. The consequences of this policy have resulted in hundreds of thousands of Floridians who have completed their sentences, but are unable to vote. This research employs 54 semi-structured interviews with men convicted of felonies in Florida who have lost the right to vote, but have completed their sentencing obligations to the state. Our purpose is to better understand the meaning former offenders attribute to the loss of their civil rights. Findings from this study suggest that many former offenders view this type of punishment as illegitimate and are angered by both the complex system of restoration and the inability to participate in democratic life. Other ex-offenders are embarrassed or fatalistic about their loss of rights. The implications for criminal justice policies and practices are discussed.  相似文献   
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