全文获取类型
收费全文 | 380篇 |
免费 | 26篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 51篇 |
工人农民 | 15篇 |
世界政治 | 44篇 |
外交国际关系 | 31篇 |
法律 | 177篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 69篇 |
综合类 | 15篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 31篇 |
2016年 | 26篇 |
2015年 | 18篇 |
2014年 | 22篇 |
2013年 | 69篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 15篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 13篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 13篇 |
2003年 | 11篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有406条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
161.
Psychiatric hospitalization constitutes a moment of major stress to the point that occurrences of posttraumatic stress disorders have been described. Feelings of coercion are usual, whatever the legal status of admission. Patients may also consider afterwards that they needed hospitalization even if they refused it initially. A cross-sectional survey has been conducted among the inpatients of a Swiss psychiatric hospital to assess their subjective view of admission with emphasis on legal status, perceived coercion and need for hospitalization. Eighty-seven questionnaires were completed and analyzed. Results indicated that 74% of patients felt that they had been under pressure to be hospitalized, whether or not they were involuntarily admitted. Seventy percent felt their admission was necessary. More involuntary patients reported a subjective lack of improvement. Clinicians could decrease feelings of coercion of their patients while discussing need for hospitalization, legal status and subjective feeling of coercion as different dimensions. An argument is presented to favor positive pressure from social environment over legal involuntary commitment in many hospitalizations. 相似文献
162.
Teixeira H Proença P Verstraete A Corte-Real F Vieira DN 《Forensic science international》2005,150(2-3):205-211
An analytical method using solid-phase extraction (SPE) and high-performance liquid chromatography-mass spectrometry (LC-MS) has been developed and validated for the confirmation of Delta(9)-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) in oral fluid samples. Oral fluid was extracted using Bond Elut LRC-Certify solid-phase extraction columns (10 cm(3), 300 mg) and elution performed with n-hexane/ethyl acetate. Quantitation made use of the selected ion-recording mode (SIR) using the most abundant characteristic ion [THC+H(+)], m/z 315.31 and the fragment ion, m/z 193.13 for confirmation, and m/z 318.00 for the protonated internal standard, [d(3)-THC+H(+)]. The method proved to be precise for THC, in terms of both intra-day and inter-day analyses, with coefficients of variation less than 10%, and the calculated extraction efficiencies for THC ranged from 76 to 83%. Calibration standards spiked with THC between 2 and 100 ng/mL showed a linear relationship (r(2)=0.999). The method presented was applied to the oral fluid samples taken from the volunteers during the largest music event in Portugal, named Rock in Rio-Lisboa. Oral fluid was collected from 40 persons by expectoration and with Salivette. In 55% of the samples obtained by expectorating, THC was detected with concentration ranges from 1033 to 6552 ng/mL and in 45% of cases THC was detected at concentrations between 51 and 937 ng/mL. However, using Salivette collection, 26 of the 40 cases had an undetectable THC. 相似文献
163.
The Justice and Development Party (or AKP) era in Turkey has witnessed the emergence of a new welfare regime resting on voluntary public and private transfers. This system has been replacing the former welfare system in which the right to social welfare benefits was constitutionally guaranteed. The new welfare system has tended to distribute transfers on a selective and unequal basis. This article analyses the size and effects of this system using a social class-based analytical framework. In explaining class structure in Turkey, we use the official Household Budget Survey database. The results indicate a massive process of proletarianisation has taken place. Our results indicate that the working classes have constituted the majority of the poor. In this environment, the shares of voluntary public and private transfers in the incomes of households have been rising. For some classes, like rural unemployed, urban unemployed and agricultural labourers, these transfers have captured a very high share of the incomes. These transfers have also been distributed very unequally. Their share in the central budget has also been rising. All these point to the emergence of a new neo-liberal welfare (poverty) regime as part of a new labour control regime. 相似文献
164.
165.
Fran Humphries 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(4):541-556
International regimes regulating access and benefit sharing were originally designed to promote conservation and fairness objectives concerning the use of the world’s biological resources for their genetic material value. These regimes determine from whom permission is required to take the resources and who obtains the benefits of their use. They have evolved separate frameworks in three distinct jurisdictional areas—within national jurisdiction, beyond national jurisdiction and in the Antarctic Treaty Area. This article argues that if these regimes continue to evolve separately, there is a strong temptation for countries to play ‘chicken’ with biological resource governance through forum shopping or opting out of agreements that do not suit their political ends. Using game theory and a transgenic tilapia fish example incorporating genetic material from the three jurisdictional areas, it illustrates the legal and ethical dilemmas that can arise from the territorial (jurisdictional) approach to access and benefit sharing—to the detriment of fairness and conservation in tilapia’s countries of origin. Tilapias are known as the ‘chicken of the sea’ because they dominate global farmed production and developing countries depend on them as their primary source of protein, livelihoods and trade. This means there will be serious consequences if the regimes do not achieve their fairness and conservation objectives for sharing their genetic material. This article concludes that a purpose-driven cooperative governance approach can sidestep the game of chicken and promote fairer and more conservation focused outcomes than the current jurisdictional approach for the developing country providers of migratory aquatic resources. 相似文献
166.
Esin Küçük 《European Law Journal》2016,22(4):448-469
The lack of fairness in asylum responsibility sharing within the EU has been a persistent problem demanding an urgent solution. This article seeks to inform the on‐going debate on European solidarity instruments from a constitutional law perspective by taking the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility pursuant to Article 80 TFEU as its reference point. The article sees this principle as an important mechanism in both the enhancement of fairness in responsibility sharing and the protection of refugees. It argues that the combined reading of Article 80 TFEU and the Charter of Fundamental Rights provides a strong reason to doubt the constitutionality of the Dublin III Regulation, and any decision reforming the asylum regime should take this view into account. Despite its limited enforceability, Article 80 TFEU can play an important role as an interpretation tool, in particular in the assessment of the legality of solidarity instruments. 相似文献
167.
168.
Do citizens of the developing world behave as economic voters? Do they blame and reward incumbent governments for their perceived economic performance? In addressing these questions, the current paper fills an important void left by the extant literature by adopting a large-n approach with the use of public opinion survey data and by focusing on emerging democracies of the developing world. The proposed analysis develops a series of incumbent support models to assess the impact of economic assessments. It relies on the use of public opinion survey data from countries of Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, South and East Asia, and the Arab world. The paper contributes to the extant literature at the empirical, methodological, and theoretical levels. Empirically, it provides a unique and systematic account of the phenomenon through a large-scale comparative approach. Theoretically, it contributes to the debate on the value of economic voting to explain electoral behavior in the developing world. Methodologically, it shows that using presidential approval is a fair alternative to vote choice and that a full model specification is not absolutely necessary to estimating the economic effect. 相似文献
169.
François‐Xavier Emmanuelli 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):45-50
SUMMARY This paper examines assemblies of the clergy in early modern Castile and France. It provides a short overview of the representative nature of these assemblies, their functions, and their power over the ecclesiastical purse strings. In the process it argues that, in addition to secular representative institutions, historians need to take a closer look at ecclesiastical assemblies in order to understand politics, finance and representation in Catholic polities. 相似文献
170.
Pedro Miguel F. Freitas Nuno Gonçalves 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2015,29(1):50-62
Directive 2013/40/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 August 2013, on attacks against information systems, came into force on 3 September 2013, replacing Council Framework Decision 2005/222/JHA. It maintains existing offences and criminalizes new activities such as illegal interception and the usage of certain tools for committing offences. The offence that is the focus of this article – illegal access to information systems – is set out in Article 3. It represents a change from the wording of Art 2 (2) of the Framework Decision 2005/222/JHA in that under Art 3 of the Directive the incrimination of illegal access to information systems now depends upon whether such access infringes a security measure. This paper provides an overview of the impetus for the introduction of cybercrime laws and analysis of the key provisions of the Directive before exploring whether the wording of Art 3 is a sensible legislative approach. 相似文献