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991.
In this paper I analyze the reception of constructivist social theory in these sociolegal studies. The hypothesis that I want to demonstrate is that despite the importance of their contributions to understanding of law, there is a theoretical ambiguity in these studies. This follows from the fact that they adhere to social theories which are premised on different presuppositions about social relations and thus irreconcilable. To illustrate this ambiguity I will contrast the way that the concept of symbolic efficacy is employed in the work of Pierre Bourdieu, who is frequently cited in the legal consciousness studies as an authorized theoretical reference. I will analyze the basic concepts that underpin the sociolegal studies considered here, discuss the idea of the symbolic in law, and provide a theoretical comparison between Bourdieu and legal consciousness studies.  相似文献   
992.
Most of the economic models that analyse the behaviour of interest groups in the policy making process uphold the idea that there are many organized groups that compete, with the aim of achieving their individual goals. The adoption of decisions is the result of a complex system of strategic interactions, and since different groups have different resources at their disposal this makes it easier for one or more groups to influence whether or not a policy is adopted. This research demonstrates that an institutional system such as the European Union (EU) should be able to protect us from the potential manipulation, which accompanies these channels of influence.  相似文献   
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EuroBiobank (EBB) was created in 2001. This is a network of European biological banks made up by 7 member States. The purpose of the network is to ease the access to the biological resources of the human being in patients who suffer uncommon diseases. This study deals mainly with the ethical-legal debate that has arisen in those States, as well as the existing legal regulation and the proposed recommendations for its possible solution. Likewise, there is a special mention about the informed consent, the possible use in the future of the samples in relation to its commercial use as industrial property rights and to Directive 2004/03 that was adopted by the European Parliament 31 March, 2004.  相似文献   
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997.
Campaign finance regulation is an important issue for democracies. Proponents of stricter contribution limits believe it will improve competitiveness. Opponents argue that contribution caps are just a mask for incumbency protection. This paper comments on John Lott’s 2006 article in “Campaign Finance Reform and Electoral Competition” in Public Choice.  相似文献   
998.
The purpose of this paper is to show thatthe linear penalization to inflation foundin Walsh (1995) is not the government'soptimal choice when the fixed part of thetransfer scheme is any given constant and thepayment to the central bank represents acost for the government.  相似文献   
999.
Borda Count Versus Approval Voting: A Fuzzy Approach   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
In this paper we consider a fuzzy variantof the Borda count taking into accountagents' intensities of preference. Thisfuzzy Borda count is obtained by means ofscore gradation and normalization processesfrom its original pattern. The advantagesof the Borda count hold, and are evenimproved, providing an appropriate schemein collective decision making. In addition,both classic and fuzzy Borda counts arerelated to approval voting, establishing aunified framework from distinct points ofview.  相似文献   
1000.
SUMMARY

This article intends to provide an analysis of the process of building a house for the Argentine congress between 1880 and 1916. After the presidential campaign and revolution of 1880, Argentina entered a new political era that saw the definition of a political system under the hegemony of the Partido Autonomista Nacional and the consolidation of the federal state. The defeat of porteño militias in 1880 represented the end of the project of a national state controlled from Buenos Aires and the transformation of the city into the federal capital of the country. This new role meant that the city now needed buildings to accommodate new functions, a house for parliament among them. This article explores the significance of building the Palace of Congress as part of a broader plan by politicians, urban planners and bureaucrats to place symbols of republican greatness in central areas of the new capital. This study also focuses on the parliamentary debates that discussed the allocation of public funding for the construction of congress and the importance of giving the new capital examples of monumental architecture as a way to underscore its new political status. Finally, this article analyses the impact of the debates in congress and in the press about allegations of embezzlement and corruption that surrounded the building of the Palace of Congress.  相似文献   
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