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Frank Faulkner 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(4):491-504
The argument advanced refers to the problem of children serving as soldiers in various military or quasi-military groups around the world. It looks to international law for guidelines on how this situation might be brought to an end, examining legislation currently in force, and also why enforcement has proved to be problematical. Given the apparent inadequacies of legal instruments to prevent this type of issue occurring, this article takes a closer examination of the conditions that create underage combatants, together with analysis of the effects this has on the young people involved. In support of these observations, the text offers a real world look at the problem in Sierra Leone, a country that has suffered years of divisive internecine warfare featuring the extensive use of children in combat roles. In a postwar situation, the study includes analysis of the difficulties of rehabilitating Sierra Leonian children traumatised by combat experiences, which reflects on the larger dilemma of national reconciliation and peace building. 相似文献
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Frank Bovenkerk 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(4):259-260
Terrorist organizations, groups, cells or just ‘bunches of guys’ are systematically compared with other types of criminal
or deviant organizations: organized crime such as the mafia, street gangs and religious sects. Of course there are many differences
between them, especially where motivation is concerned, but they share the common factor that it is almost impossible or very
difficult for individual members to step out. However, de-radicalization may follow analogous paths: aging out, accepting
exit programs in prison or disengaging ideologically. The article discusses the obstacles that a government strategy that
encourages desistance from terrorism by stepping out may encounter. It may be sufficient and more realistic to discourage
radicals from using violence than to try to de-radicalize them by using counternarrative techniques. 相似文献
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Gregory Melleuish 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2012,58(1):112-122
This essay examines the model of state development put forward by Francis Fukuyama in his book, The Origins of Political Order. It argues that the evolutionary model used by Fukuyama experiences problems when it comes to dealing with specific historical examples. Its emphasis on the Qin state as the “first modern state” places an excessive emphasis on coercion and violence as the basis of the state. It attempts to relegate Rome to being equivalent to a chiefdom to fit it into his model whereas in reality Rome evolved differently to China and relied much more on cooperation and networks. England after 1688 provides another example of how Fukuyama's model is deficient. On this basis the paper argues that a universal evolutionary model is insufficient to explain political development and it is more appropriate to begin analysis with real political societies. 相似文献