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61.
Der vorliegende Artikel leistet einen Beitrag zur Konzipierung von Wirkungsmodellen für die Evaluation von öffentlichen Politiken mit föderalistischen Vollzugsarrangements. Das Phasenmodell des Policy‐Zyklus erfasst die Prinzipal‐Agent‐Probleme des Vollzugsföderalismus nur unzureichend. Es ist aus diesem Grund sinnvoll, in der Genesephase eine Zusatzschlaufe vorzusehen, die dem Umstand Rechnung trägt, dass in der Schweiz die Kantone beim Vollzug von Bundesgesetzen nicht nur Umsetzungs‐, sondern auch Programmierungskompetenzen haben. Diese Zusatzschlaufe impliziert allerdings beim häufig verwendeten Stufenmodell von Knoepfel und Bussmann (1997) für die Evaluierung öffentlicher Politik das Problem, dass es zu einer Vermischung der Evaluationsgegenstände auf Bundes‐ und Kantonsebene kommt. Diesem Umstand begegnen wir mit der Erweiterung des Stufenmodells, indem wir die beiden föderalen Ebenen getrennt betrachten und die Evaluationsgegenstände nicht generell, sondern entsprechend der Staatsebene definieren. Das Modell wird mit einer Anwendung aus der Evaluation des Krankenversicherungsgesetzes illustriert. 相似文献
62.
Barbara Fritz 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(2):127-144
Can regional monetary cooperation shield developing regions from global volatility? The article argues that the main contribution of regional monetary cooperation to enhancing the shock-buffering ability of its member countries is to provide short-term liquidity and to increase regional trade and financial links. In contrast, traditional optimum currency area (OCA) theories formulate the advantages of regional monetary cooperation in terms of allocative efficiency gains and aim at a full currency union as final stage. As such, traditional theory widely ignores the shock-buffering capacity of regional monetary cooperation as well as their varieties. In contrast, the article argues that intermediate stages of regional monetary cooperation have their own rationales related to such shock-buffering capacity. This paper systematically examines the variety of regional cooperation arrangements in the developing world that range from regional payments systems over the pooling of reserves to exchange rate coordination. We propose that the potential for shock buffering is dependent on the chosen form of cooperation. Furthermore, in contrast to full monetary integration, which is highly demanding in terms of policy coordination, the requirements for regional policy coordination are significantly lower, depending on the form and aim of the arrangement. 相似文献
63.
Astrid Fritz Carrapatoso 《Asia Europe Journal》2008,6(2):229-243
The trade and environment interface has become a topic of growing importance. Until the early 1990s, the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), were the major forums to address the relationship
between trade and the environment. Significant progress in this area has not yet been made. Since the 1990s, environmental
issues have been addressed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and in recent times by trans-regional and bilateral
free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (SEP), the U.S.–Singapore
FTA (USSFTA), the Canada–Chile FTA or the New Zealand–Thailand Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEP). Not only questions
on the effectiveness of FTAs in global and regional environmental governance arise but also on the various actors involved
in these negotiations. The question here is whether the integration of environmental issues in FTAs is a top-down approach,
leaving the negotiations and implementation of environment cooperation frameworks in the hands of governments, or whether
environmental arrangements are the result of a multi-stakeholder dialogue, consequently committing governments, the private
sector and civil society to the objective of making trade and environmental policies mutually supportive. This article seeks
to address these questions by analysing environmental issues and stakeholder participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC), the Trans-Pacific SEP and the New Zealand–Thailand CEP.
相似文献
Astrid Fritz CarrapatosoEmail: URL: http://www.politik.uni-freiburg.de |
64.
Maja Sager 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2016,24(1):30-44
Drawing on ethnographic material, this article examines how the experiences of refused asylum seekers in Sweden are shaped by migration policies, welfare policies, and gender norms. The article develops a feminist account of deportability to examine some gendered and reproductive aspects of everyday experiences of seeking asylum in Sweden. Focusing on the interview accounts of one heterosexual couple and one woman from Kosovo, I explore how their experiences are formed by the refusal of asylum claims in cases of sexual violence and/or their relationship and parental status. The analysis reflects on the way in which the specific legislative situation in the time period in which these interviews were made led to a privileging of families with children above single migrants and/or couples without children. It also reflects on how experiences of deportability clash dramatically with the idea of Sweden as a women-friendly welfare state. 相似文献
65.
66.
This article argues that evidence, even when used politically, contributes to high‐quality democratic discourse. Research results on the use of evidence in referendum campaigns in Switzerland show that (1) evidence fosters discourse quality and shifts the focus away from politics to policy; (2) evaluations and basic research contribute positively to discourse, but not opinion surveys and statistics; (3) the participation of experts and administrative practitioners in discourse is crucial to make evidence available to the public; and (4) evidence is always used as a part of a narrative and can alter the constructed images used in a story. In conclusion, the implications for practitioners are discussed. 相似文献
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69.
The paper aims at explaining the adoption of policy programs. We use the garbage can model of organizational choice as our theoretical framework and complement it with the institutional setting of administrative decision-making in order to understand the complex causation of policy program adoption. Institutions distribute decision power by rules and routines and coin actor identities and their interpretations of situations. We therefore expect institutions to play a role when a policy window opens. We explore the configurative explanations for program adoption in a systematic comparison of the adoption of new alcohol policy programs in the Swiss cantons employing Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The most important conditions are the organizational elements of the administrative structure decisive for the coupling of the streams. The results imply that classic bureaucratic structures are better suited to put policies into practice than limited government. 相似文献
70.
Fritz Söllner 《Public Choice》1994,80(1-2):69-82
This paper discusses the role of common law in environmental policy. It is shown that common law actually tends towards efficiency only under quite restrictive conditions — conditions that are fulfilled only for very few, less important environmental problems. Moreover, in these cases common law need not even be efficient because an efficient solution can be negotiated once the allocation of rights is undisputed. Furthermore, common law neglects important distributional and political questions and is biased towards the status quo. Therefore, dealing with today's environmental problems cannot be left to the common law process but necessitates legislative action. 相似文献