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61.
Fritz W. Scharpf 《Journal of common market studies》2002,40(4):645-670
European integration has created a constitutional asymmetry between policies promoting market efficiencies and policies promoting social protection and equality. National welfare states are legally and economically constrained by European rules of economic integration, liberalization and competition law, whereas efforts to adopt European social policies are politically impeded by the diversity of national welfare states, differing not only in levels of economic development and hence in their ability to pay for social transfers and services but, even more significantly, in their normative aspirations and institutional structures. In response, the ‘open method of coordination’ is now being applied in the social–policy field. It leaves effective policy choices at the national level, but tries to improve these through promoting common objectives and common indicators, and through comparative evaluations of national policy performance. These efforts are useful but cannot overcome the constitutional asymmetry. Hence there is reason to search for solutions which must have the character of European law in order to establish constitutional parity with the rules of European economic integration, but which also must be sufficiently differentiated to accommodate the existing diversity of national welfare regimes. The article discusses two such options, ‘closer co–operation’ and a combination of differentiated ‘framework directives’ with the open method of co–ordination. 相似文献
62.
The likelihood that longevity will continue to increase has generated a search for regulation that make people work longer as they live longer, and thus not just containing pension expenditure but also enlarging labor supply, economic growth, and tax revenue. In public pension policy, Nordic countries have led the world with three types of approaches aimed at making people retire later. The first came when Sweden, followed by Finland and Norway, installed life expectancy coefficients in benefit calculation formulas. The second followed as Finland introduced age-related accrual rates and the third when Denmark indexed the pensionable age to developments in life expectancy. Since economic incentive-based regulations failed to raise exit ages sufficiently, Finland and Sweden subsequently linked pensionable ages to life expectancy like Denmark. While this policy brings out inequalities in health and workability, the fact that countries found it necessary to index the pensionable age to longevity instead of just relying on economic incentives in regulating retirement behavior may hold lessons for other countries. 相似文献
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In the legal systems of most western countries, defense attorneys present their sentencing recommendation after the prosecution
has presented its sentencing demands. This procedural sequence for criminal cases is intended to balance the impact of both
parties on the judge's final decision. Especially the positioning of the defense's plea at the end of the trial follows the
fundamental legal principle “in dubio pro reo.” Research on judgmental anchoring, however, suggests that the standard procedural
sequence may in fact work against this principle. Consistent with this implication, the present studies demonstrate that the
defense's sentencing recommendation is anchored on, and consequently assimilated toward, the preceding recommendation by the
prosecution. This influence prevents the defense attorney from effectively counterbalancing the prosecutor's demand. Instead,
the biased defense attorney's recommendation partially mediates the impact of the prosecutor's demand on the judge's decision.
These findings suggest that the standard procedural sequence in court may place the defense at a distinct disadvantage. 相似文献
66.
Fritz Sager 《Swiss Political Science Review》2003,9(1):309-333
The implementation of public policies in Switzerland is highly federal and decentralized with the main competencies at the sub‐national level of the member states, i.e. the cantons. Comparing alcohol prevention policies in the Swiss cantons, the present article supports the thesis of considerable differences in the cantonal provision of respective outputs. At the same time we can find cooperative implementation strategies compensating the resulting performance deficits. However, this so‐called “secondary harmonization” only is applied by about half of the cantons. We identify three reasons for that fact: First, only those cantons engage in horizontal cooperation that, on the one hand, have an actual interest in improving their policy performance, and, on the other hand, can afford it resource‐wise. Second, today's paradigm of the “lean state” leads to competitive rather than cooperative implementation strategies. Third, the federal administration neither encourages horizontal cooperation, nor do we find a vertical cooperation between the higher and the lower federal level on an equal basis. 相似文献
67.
Der vorliegende Artikel leistet einen Beitrag zur Konzipierung von Wirkungsmodellen für die Evaluation von öffentlichen Politiken mit föderalistischen Vollzugsarrangements. Das Phasenmodell des Policy‐Zyklus erfasst die Prinzipal‐Agent‐Probleme des Vollzugsföderalismus nur unzureichend. Es ist aus diesem Grund sinnvoll, in der Genesephase eine Zusatzschlaufe vorzusehen, die dem Umstand Rechnung trägt, dass in der Schweiz die Kantone beim Vollzug von Bundesgesetzen nicht nur Umsetzungs‐, sondern auch Programmierungskompetenzen haben. Diese Zusatzschlaufe impliziert allerdings beim häufig verwendeten Stufenmodell von Knoepfel und Bussmann (1997) für die Evaluierung öffentlicher Politik das Problem, dass es zu einer Vermischung der Evaluationsgegenstände auf Bundes‐ und Kantonsebene kommt. Diesem Umstand begegnen wir mit der Erweiterung des Stufenmodells, indem wir die beiden föderalen Ebenen getrennt betrachten und die Evaluationsgegenstände nicht generell, sondern entsprechend der Staatsebene definieren. Das Modell wird mit einer Anwendung aus der Evaluation des Krankenversicherungsgesetzes illustriert. 相似文献
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South Africa is an emerging power with fairly strong democratic institutions that were crafted during the transition from minority to majority rule twenty years ago. How has South Africa used its position and power to promote democracy in Africa? Against the backdrop of debates on democracy promotion by emerging powers, this article probes attempts by successive post-apartheid governments to promote democracy in Africa. We argue that although democracy promotion featured prominently in South Africa's policy towards Africa in the immediate post-apartheid period under Nelson Mandela, the administrations of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma faltered in advancing democratic norms. This is largely because South Africa has confronted pressures to maximize pragmatic national interests, which have compromised a democratic ethos in a continental environment where these values have yet to find steady footing. 相似文献
70.
This article argues that evidence, even when used politically, contributes to high‐quality democratic discourse. Research results on the use of evidence in referendum campaigns in Switzerland show that (1) evidence fosters discourse quality and shifts the focus away from politics to policy; (2) evaluations and basic research contribute positively to discourse, but not opinion surveys and statistics; (3) the participation of experts and administrative practitioners in discourse is crucial to make evidence available to the public; and (4) evidence is always used as a part of a narrative and can alter the constructed images used in a story. In conclusion, the implications for practitioners are discussed. 相似文献