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Questionnaires were distributed to the inmates and staff of four custodial settings: (1) a men's prison; (2)a women's prison; (3) a boarding school for troubled and troublesome juveniles; and (4) a drug rehabilitation halfway house (staff not questioned). The hypothesis of the study was that violence would be inversely related to commitment (defined as involvement with the organization and organizational cohesion). Using attitudinal measures of commitment and a self-report. Guttman scale of violence, the results of the study indicated the following: (1) violence was significantly inversely related to both organizational involvement and cohesion among some custodial inmates and (2) violence was slightly positively correlated with involvement and cohesion among some custodial staff. The relationship persisted among inmates even with the introduction of age and education as control variables. The use of these controls only slightly modified the relationship among custodial staff: 相似文献
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GEORGE TSEBELIS 《European Journal of Political Research》2017,56(4):820-845
This article analyses the mechanisms establishing time consistency of constitutions. It explains why shorter and more locked constitutions are more likely to be time consistent (change less) and that long constitutions are more time inconsistent (change more, despite locking). Empirical evidence from all of the democratic countries in the world indicates that the length and locking of constitutions are not independent criteria, and that their combination leads to less time consistency. To address this inter‐relationship, a measure of time inconsistency (a combination of locking and amendment rate) is developed and it is demonstrated that it is connected with the length of constitutions. The article shows how time inconsistency is incompatible with theories of ‘constitutional amendment culture’ not only at the theoretical level, but also empirically. Finally, the article proves that the empirical finding that the length of constitutions is related to lower per capita income and higher corruption are not only in agreement with time inconsistency arguments, but this also extends beyond OECD countries to all democracies. 相似文献
135.
RHYS ANDREWS GEORGE A. BOYNE JENNIFER LAW RICHARD M. WALKER 《Public administration》2009,87(4):732-749
We present a comprehensive empirical application of the Miles and Snow (1978) model of organizational strategy, structure and process to the public sector. We refine the model by distinguishing between strategy formulation and implementation, and applying it to 90 public service organizations. Although the empirical evidence shows that organizational strategies fit the Miles and Snow categories of prospector, defender and reactor, the relationship between these strategies and organizational structures (for example, centralization) and processes (for example, planning) is less consistent with their model. Conclusions are drawn for public management theory and practice. 相似文献
136.
GEORGE SOROS 《新观察季刊》2009,26(1):7-9
As British Prime Minister Gordon Brown notes in this section, we are witnessing the birth pangs of a new global order in this deepest financial and economic crash since the Great Depression. There will be plenty of pain all around for a while. And when the quarter-century leveraged-debt bubble of the United States—the explosion of which detonated the crash—is finally unwound, the new global balance will favor an Asia flush with cash. The G-20 will replace the G-7 as the executive committee of globalization. And, if wise leadership stays the course, there will be a "green lining" to the recovery as the fiscal stimulus is imbued with an environmental sensibility. 相似文献
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Abstract. This article examines the politics of the 2005 reform of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). It distinguishes between two stages in the reform process. The first stage delimited the negotiation space – confining reform into an interpretation of the formal clauses that prescribe SGP functioning – and set the reform agenda. In the second, decision-making stage, Member States engaged in high politics bargaining, more sensitive to their short-term (fiscal deficit) and long-term (fiscal sustainability) macroeconomic conditions, attempting to upload country-specific 'expenditure exceptionalism'. The authors of this article find a crucial disjunction in some Member States between positions held across the two stages. Strategic considerations, comprising the broader constitutional/political game and the need to demonstrate national macroeconomic credibility, account for such discrepancy in the two negotiation stages. 相似文献
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GEORGE YEO 《新观察季刊》2014,31(4):18-19
In 1990, right after the Berlin Wall fell, NPQ published our Spring edition, titled “The New World Disorder,” about the nationalistic chaos and up‐in‐theair sensibility of that fraught new historical moment. Nearly a quarter of a century later, the regime of globalization that had supplanted the Cold War world of blocs is itself coming apart at the seams. Even Henry Kissinger these days says “the world order is crumbling.” Will this New World Disorder 2.0 revert to a system of conflicting blocs, as during the Cold War, or will we be mature enough to save the interdependence of plural identities that is the foundation of a new global civilization? In this section our contributors offer their perspectives on what the future holds. 相似文献