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681.
Josie Geller Suja Srikameswaran Shannon L. Zaitsoff Sarah J. Cockell Gary D. Poole 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2003,32(2):81-87
This study examined parents' awareness of their daughters' attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about their bodies. Sixty-six daughters aged 12–15 years completed the Stirling Eating Disorder Scale, a body figure rating scale, and made ratings of their shape and weight. They also completed a more comprehensive measure of body satisfaction, the Body Esteem Scale (BES). Mothers and fathers estimated their daughters' shape and weight, and completed the BES with instructions to complete the measure from their daughters' perspective. While there were few differences between mothers' and fathers' reports, parent–daughter congruence scores varied according to methodology and attribute measured. That is, parents' ratings of objective daughter characteristics on single-item rating scales were more congruent with daughters' self-reports than parents' estimates of daughters' feelings about their bodies using a more comprehensive measure. Greater discrepancies between parents' estimates of daughters' body esteem and daughters' self-reported body esteem were associated with greater body dissatisfaction in daughters. 相似文献
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While there has been a turn away from positive government intervention in the economy at the national level, we have witnessed an embrace of this strategy in may of the American states. What impact, if any, have these efforts by state governments had on their economies? The paper focuses on variations in party control, competition, and ideology, the institutional capacities of governors and legislatures, and policy measures, while controlling for a variety of alternative influences on state economies. For the period from 1968–1979 states were dominated by the national economy and other forces over which they had little or no control, and thus had little or no effect on their economies. However, for the 1980–1985 period, party, political capacity, and policy exerted a statistically significant influence on state economic performance. 相似文献
684.
Brandon Behlendorf Gary LaFree Richard Legault 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2012,28(1):49-75
Recent research has demonstrated that individual crimes elevate the risk for subsequent crimes nearby, a phenomenon termed
“near-repeats.” Yet these assessments only reveal global patterns of event interdependence, ignoring the possibility that
individual events may be part of localized bursts of activity, or microcycles. In this study, we propose a method for identifying and analyzing criminal microcycles; groups of events that are proximate
to each other in both space and time. We use the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) to analyze over 4,000 terrorist attacks attributed
to the FMLN in El Salvador and the ETA in Spain; two terrorist organizations that were both extremely active and violent but
differed greatly in terms of history, grievances and motives. Based on the definition developed, we find strong support for
the conclusion that many of the terrorist attacks attributed to these two distinctive groups were part of violent microcycles
and that the spatio-temporal attack patterns of these two groups exhibit substantial similarities. Our logistic regression
analysis shows that for both ETA and the FMLN, compared to other tactics used by terrorists, bombings and non-lethal attacks
are more likely to be part of microcycles and that compared to attacks which occur elsewhere, attacks aimed at national or
provincial capitals or areas of specific strategic interest to the terrorist organization are more likely to be part of microcycles.
Finally, for the FMLN only, compared to other attacks, those on military and government targets were more likely part of microcycles.
We argue that these methods could be useful more generally for understanding the situational and temporal distribution of
crime. 相似文献
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Field Experiments on Eyewitness Identification: Towards a Better Understanding of Pitfalls and Prospects 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Wells GL 《Law and human behavior》2008,32(1):6-10
The Illinois pilot program on lineup procedures has helped sharpen the focus on the types of controls that are needed in eyewitness field experiments and the limits that exist for interpreting outcome measures (rates of suspect and filler identifications). A widely-known limitation of field experiments is that, unlike simulated crime experiments, the guilt or innocence of the suspects is not easily known independently of the behavior of the eyewitnesses. Less well appreciated is that the rate of identification of lineup fillers, although clearly errors, can be a misleading measure if the filler identification rate is used to assess which of two or more lineup procedures is the better procedure. Several examples are used to illustrate that there are clearly improper procedures that would yield fewer identifications of fillers than would their proper counterparts. For example, biased lineup structure (e.g., using poorly matched fillers) as well as suggestive lineup procedures (that can result from non-blind administration of lineups) would reduce filler identification errors compared to unbiased and non-suggestive procedures. Hence, under many circumstances filler identification rates can be misleading indicators of preferred methods. Comparisons of lineup procedures in future field experiments will not be easily accepted in the absence of double-blind administration methods in all conditions plus true random assignment to conditions. 相似文献
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Many scholars have suggested that Americans' positions on gun control are the product of culture conflicts. This assertion has been largely based on associations of gun control opinion with membership in social groups believed to be hostile, or favorable, towards gun ownership, rather than with direct measures of the cultural traits thought to mediate the effects of group membership on gun control opinion. Data from a 2005 national telephone survey were analyzed to test competing theories of why people support handgun bans. Instrumental explanations, which stress belief in a policy's likely effectiveness, accounted for less than 25 percent of the variation in support. The results supported the culture conflict perspective. Those who endorsed negative stereotypes about gun owners, and who did not believe in the need to defend their own homes against crime (versus relying on the police) were more likely to support handgun bans. 相似文献