Asphyxiation by hanging in two young Hispanic children--homicide, suicide, or accidental deaths? A review of pediatric hangings

Case reports of asphyxiation by hanging in two young children are presented along with a review of the literature to determine the incidence and manner of death by hanging in the younger pediatric population.     

Transnational citizenship: problems of definition,culture and democracy

There is widespread disagreement over whether transnational citizenship provides defensible extensions of, or meaningful complements to, national citizenship. A significant strand of criticism relies upon empirical arguments about political motivation and the consequences of transnationalism. This paper addresses two questions arising from empirical arguments relating to the nation state and democracy. Do the alleged cultural requirements for effective political action provide an insuperable barrier to transnational citizenship? Does transnational citizenship necessarily require a commitment to transnational democracy? I argue that these largely empirical criticisms do not succeed in casting doubt upon the normative plausibility or practical viability of transnational projects. On the first question, I point to a growing transnational political culture that serves to motivate transnational citizens. On the second question, I argue for a legitimate category of transnational citizenship that, although inspired by cosmopolitan morality, is different from it, and that does not require transnational democracy.     

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service under stress

Abstract: In 1984 the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) replaced the Security Service of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. This article assesses whether or not the new service is likely to be more effective than its predecessor and yet engender fewer fears that it might itself undermine what it seeks to defend. After briefly discussing the problems and events that led to the creation of the new service the article analyses the structural and legal changes that have taken place. The new instruments by which the CSIS is held accountable, such as the ofice of the Inspector General and the Security Intelligence Review Committee, are then examined followed by an analysis of the changes in the political ethos both within and without the CSIS. The article concludes by arguing that the new agency is likely to be both a more effective intelligence agency and a more responsible and responsive one. Sommaire: En 1984, le Service canadien de renseignements d'intelligence (SCRI) a remplacé le Service de sécurité de la Gendarmerie royale du Canada. Dans cet article, on examine la probabilité que le nouveau service soit plus eficace que son précurseur tout en réduisant les inquiétudes de ceux qui craignent qu'il ne détruise précisément ce qu'il est censé défendre. Après un bref exposé des problèmes et des événements qui ont amené l'établissement du nouveau senice, l'article analyse l'évolution structurelle et juridique qui a eu lieu. De nouveaux instruments qui assurent l'imputabilité du SCRI, comme le bureau de l'Inspecteur général et le Comité de surveillance des activités de renseignements de sécurité font alors l'objet d'examen; suit une analyse de l'évolution de la pensée politique à l'interieur comme à l'extérieur du SCRI. En conclusion, on y affirme que le nouvel organisme sera probablement une agence de renseignements plus efficace ainsi que plus responsable et plus susceptible de contrôle.     

Regulating political advertising in the EU and USA: a human rights perspective

Underlying the American model of political campaign communication are the US Constitutional guarantees of free speech, which secure the rights of citizens to support political candidates of their choosing and express that support in various forms, from bumper stickers to television advertising. Courts have at times struck down measures regulating political advertising, including limits on the amounts of such advertising and the amounts of funds which candidates, parties and individuals may spend on election‐related speeches and advertising as infringements of these rights. With few exceptions, in the USA, government may not limit the number of spots a candidate airs in an election. In Europe, international norms concerning free expression and fair elections appear in a number of legal instruments, including, most recently, the UK's Human Rights Act 1998 and the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights. This paper compares the role and development of American First Amendment doctrines in limiting restrictions on political advertising in the USA with the development of comparable norms of free expression under the European Convention on Human Rights, European Union treaties and legislation and national laws of the member states and accession countries. In particular, this paper addresses the validity and enforceability of European legal limits on number, timing, placement, quantity and content of political advertisements under applicable human rights rules and similar regulations. The paper concludes that (1) a combination of European legal instruments, including the European Convention on Human Rights, the European Community Treaty, the European Community's ‘Television Without Frontiers’ Directives and the Council of Europe's Convention on Transfrontier Television offer protections of a kind and type which broadly track the protections of the USA's First Amendment; that (2) it seems that governmental justifications for restricting these freedoms are more readily accepted in Europe than they might be in courts in the USA; and that (3) certain restrictions on political advertising identified in previous studies as existing throughout Europe will face increased judicial scrutiny and some of them are probably illegal under European Human Rights principles. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications     

Community welfare services in Urban China: A public-private experiment

The social welfare system in China has been undergoing transition since the economic reform in 1978 when the Chinese government began introducing a series of welfare changes aimed at shifting responsibility from the government to a combination of government, communities, enterprises and individuals. Consequently, many cities in China have been experimenting with community-based welfare services — a state-sanctioned practice based on socialist ideology, but at the same time market driven and incorporating the private sector. This new welfare approach started an ongoing dialogue in China regarding the role of the public and private sectors in social welfare, the balance between socialist and capitalist values, and the input of the free market and political democracy. This paper presents a case study of an urban community in Beijing. It examines the policy of community-based services and discusses its implementation in urban communities. The research suggests that the public-private coordination is, within limits, effective in meeting people’s needs in the community. However, further attention should be given to the sharing of responsibility for welfare between the public and private sectors so as to protect vulnerable populations. She received her Ph.D. from the University of Denver. Her major interests of research focus on social development and community service, law and social work, and comparative welfare policies. He was also chair professor of Social Work Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and founding Dean of the School of Social Development at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He has written extensively on international social development and human security.