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Geoffrey Arlin 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):43-45
AbstractIt is difficult these days to have an open and unguarded conversation in Manila. Almost two years after Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, the heavy hand of a repressive regime is obvious not so much in the number of soldiers and police on the streets as in the minds of Filipinos. The universities are tightly surveilled, classrooms still have government monitors and absolutely all critics of the Marcos regime are either in jail now or under house arrest. Filipinos are only too well aware that Marcos is using informers everywhere to control the free exchange of ideas. 相似文献
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Geoffrey Pridham 《Democratization》2013,20(2):36-64
Historical factors have more often been assumed than explored in democratization studies. Their importance has been acknowledged broadly in reference to matters of change and continuity, including the effects of predecessor dictatorships on transition trajectories. But historical factors can have varied and sometimes persistent influences on the democratization process as a whole. These influences therefore need examining in a systematic way that considers also their implications for democratic consolidation. Developing from Kirchheimer's thesis of ‘confining conditions and revolutionary breakthroughs’, the discussion turns to forms of interaction and the changing balance between past impacts and the dynamics and changing agenda of regime change. A three‐part approach is presented and applied: historical patterns and historical memory; historical legacies and ‘overcoming the past'; and, then, political ‘learning’ and its ability to look to the future. It is generally argued that focusing on ‘history’ opens up new avenues in the study of regime change. 相似文献
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Party cues provide citizens with low‐cost information about their representatives’ policy positions. But what happens when elected officials deviate from the party line? Relying on the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES), we examine citizens’ knowledge of their senators’ positions on seven high‐profile roll‐call votes. We find that although politically interested citizens are the group most likely to know their senator's position when she votes with the party, they are also the group most likely to incorrectly identify their senator's position when she votes against her party. The results indicate that when heuristics “go bad,” it is the norm for the most attentive segment of the public to become the most misinformed, revealing an important drawback to heuristic use. 相似文献