全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1546篇 |
免费 | 36篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 105篇 |
工人农民 | 48篇 |
世界政治 | 165篇 |
外交国际关系 | 90篇 |
法律 | 649篇 |
中国政治 | 16篇 |
政治理论 | 491篇 |
综合类 | 18篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 16篇 |
2020年 | 25篇 |
2019年 | 32篇 |
2018年 | 28篇 |
2017年 | 39篇 |
2016年 | 49篇 |
2015年 | 20篇 |
2014年 | 38篇 |
2013年 | 277篇 |
2012年 | 29篇 |
2011年 | 41篇 |
2010年 | 33篇 |
2009年 | 23篇 |
2008年 | 38篇 |
2007年 | 42篇 |
2006年 | 54篇 |
2005年 | 38篇 |
2004年 | 44篇 |
2003年 | 38篇 |
2002年 | 39篇 |
2001年 | 32篇 |
2000年 | 33篇 |
1999年 | 24篇 |
1998年 | 19篇 |
1997年 | 22篇 |
1996年 | 26篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 19篇 |
1993年 | 19篇 |
1992年 | 16篇 |
1991年 | 26篇 |
1990年 | 17篇 |
1989年 | 19篇 |
1988年 | 25篇 |
1987年 | 17篇 |
1986年 | 20篇 |
1985年 | 16篇 |
1984年 | 32篇 |
1983年 | 25篇 |
1982年 | 16篇 |
1981年 | 22篇 |
1980年 | 22篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 14篇 |
1977年 | 11篇 |
1976年 | 17篇 |
1975年 | 11篇 |
1974年 | 13篇 |
1973年 | 12篇 |
1972年 | 15篇 |
排序方式: 共有1582条查询结果,搜索用时 62 毫秒
911.
912.
Aurelia George Mulgan 《Asia-Pacific Review》2005,12(2):104-121
This article challenges the prevailing view that China is displacing Japan as Asia's leader and the pre-eminent power in Asia. On the contrary, it argues that in understanding the future of Northeast Asia and the broader Asia–Pacific, it would be a mistake to look only to a rising China and to relegate Japan to a diminishing position. China's rise does not automatically herald Japan's decline. Japan is an emerging, not a retreating power. The rise of China is both obscuring and accelerating the transformation in Japan's regional and global position. Japan is increasing its economic power, technological capabilities, military reach, soft power and diplomatic influence. Furthermore, the rise of China makes Japan strategically more important to the United States and to other countries in the Asia Pacific. Japan will become the main regional counterweight to China and an indispensable partner in America's strategy of balancing China. 相似文献
913.
George A. Krause David E. Lewis James W. Douglas 《American journal of political science》2006,50(3):770-787
Scholarship on executive politics provides conflicting views about whether staffing administrative agencies through politicized or (politically) autonomous means is the best method for maximizing bureaucratic competence. We offer a theoretical account which maintains that obtaining a proper balance between both types of personnel systems across the supervisory and subordinate levels of an organization will best foster bureaucratic competence. We evaluate our organizational balancing thesis using data on executive branch general revenue fund forecasts in the American states from 1987 to 2002. States with a combination of politically appointed agency executives and merit-selected subordinates generally provide more accurate revenue forecasts than states that possess uniformly politicized personnel selection systems. Conversely, states with a combination of department head–appointed executives and subordinates chosen from an at-will system (i.e., nonmerit) produce more accurate forecasts than states with uniformly autonomous personnel selection systems. Our statistical findings underscore the positive consequences associated with balancing politicized and autonomous means of selecting personnel within hierarchies of political organizations. 相似文献
914.
An examination of the causal relationship between government spending and revenue: A cointegration analysis 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper tests the validity of the proposition that there is a causal relationship between government expenditure and government revenue for Greece over the period 1957–1993. The empirical analysis employs tests of cointegration as pre-tests for Granger tests of causality. The empirical evidence suggests that there is a long-run relationship between government spending and government revenue and expenditures cause revenues. 相似文献
915.
In this article, we look at the issue of convergence in social policymaking within EU member-states. Proponents of the convergence thesis argue that since European welfare states are facing similar socioeconomic challenges, they are likely to develop common response strategies. Our analysis, based on a survey carried out among policymakers, looks at political debates on the future of social protection in four EU member states. The main focus is on the different institutional structures which characterise European welfare states, and on their impact on political debates in terms of coalition formation. The analysis shows that the influence of socio-economic change on political debates is important, but that it is significantly mediated by the different institutional arrangements which distinguish European welfare states. We conclude that the presence of common socio-economic problems does not necessarily imply a convergence in policy-making. 相似文献
916.
Ola Listhaug Stuart Elaine Macdonald George Rabinowitz 《Scandinavian political studies》1994,17(4):273-287
We examine how clearly citizens in Norway and the United States perceive the ideology and issue positions of parties and candidates. Following in the tradition of Campbell & Valen (1966) and Granberg & Holmberg (1988). we ask: Does the political system matter? We also consider the role of individual sophistication and whether sophistication has different consequences in the two cultural setting. Across a broad range of issues, we find that citizens in Norway have a sharper view of party positions than those in the United States. Sophistication influences the clarity of issue perception in both countries. However, the hypothesis that sophistication matters more in the US is not well supported. 相似文献
917.
Stuart Elaine Macdonald James W. Prothro George Rabinowitz Keith J. Brown 《Political Behavior》1988,10(2):117-135
Recent work in cognitive processing and individual decision making has emphasized that individuals vary in the criteria they bring to bear to evaluate political objects. In this paper we argue that individual differences are but one piece of the decision-making puzzle, and that environmental factors are also important. Of particular interest to us is the idea that different candidates evoke different evaluative criteria. Using data from a 1984 sample of undergraduates and the 1980 National Election Study, we find evidence that political evocation effects do exist. This result has implications for understanding both the decision calculus of individuals and the collective rationality of the electorate. 相似文献
918.
George A. Boyne 《Public Choice》1987,53(3):201-219
This paper tests the median voter hypothesis that variations in policies across political systems are caused by variations in median voter preferences. The context of the empirical analysis is the tax policies of three groups of sub-national governments in England in three time periods. The results of a median voter model of tax policy variation are compared to the results of a mean voter model in different party systems and different electoral systems. The evidence provides little support for the median voter hypothesis. 相似文献
919.
This study explored the relationship between leisure preferences and work/occupational aspiration for adolescents in Singapore and Australia. Three hypothesized relationships between the domains of spillover, compensation, and segmentation were investigated. Except for females in the Australian sample, it appeared that adolescents saw leisure preferences and occupational aspirations as two independent spheres of their personal futures, supporting the segmentation hypothesis.Received Ph.D. from La Trobe. Research interests include adolescence and youth.Received Ph.D. from University of Sydney. Research interests include longitudinal data analysis. 相似文献
920.
Analysts and commentators have long regarded midterm congressional elections as an interim evaluation of the president. Recent research has emphasized the effect of the individual qualities of congressional candidates on the vote. Both factors contributed to the 1982 congressional vote. However, the relative success of the Republican party in 1982 was made possible by the unwillingness of a majority of the electorate to attribute the country's economic problems to the administration. This attribution factor, implicitly ignored in most analyses of the effect of the economy on vote choices, is examined here. 相似文献