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71.
The general election of June 2017 revealed a continued tilting of the political axis in England that has been long in the making. This was not a Brexit ‘realignment’—in that the vote is better seen as a symptom of a longer‐term divide that is emerging between citizens residing in locations strongly connected to global growth and those who are not. In this analysis, we explore constituency‐level patterns of voting in England between 2005 and 2017. Over this period, Labour's vote share has tended to rise in urban areas (that is, major cities), with younger and more diverse and more educated populations often working in ‘cosmopolitan’ industries, whereas the Conservative vote has tended to increase in less densely populated towns and rural areas, with older and less diverse populations. Significantly, Labour has also increased its vote in constituencies with a higher share of ‘precariat’ and emerging service workers—somewhat at odds with characterisation of a party that has lost the ‘left behind’. To the extent that changes in electoral support for the Conservatives and Labour are linked to the Brexit vote, the relationship far predates the referendum vote and should be expected to continue to reshape British politics in future.  相似文献   
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This article investigates the public reaction to the scandal which effectively ended Gary Hart's quest for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination. Employing NES panel data covering the period in which the scandal surfaced, and integrating arguments drawn from research on attitude change, media priming, and candidate evaluation, this analysis of the Hart case illuminates more general questions about how citizens respond to media communications during the course of an election campaign and of the factors that facilitate or inhibit attitude change. The investigation lends support to contemporary theories of attitude change that emphasize citizens' levels of political involvement and prior predispositions; uncovers evidence of media priming as views about controversial standards of morality were newly engaged in defining citizens' post-scandal evaluations of Hart; and yields evidence that negative responses to Hart in the wake of the scandal were tempered among citizens who typically weigh policy criteria alongisde candidate characteristics when formulating their overall candidate evaluations.  相似文献   
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This article explores the relations between voluntary organisations and the city administration in two British cities through an analysis of the impact of social capital. It provides a corrective to the dominant individual-level approach by offering an organisational-level analysis of social capital. The evidence suggests that inter-organisational social capital is not distributed equitably within cities. Voluntary organisations that regularly engage with a city administration can build networks of trust and information flows that outstrip those available to other voluntary organisations. Although it is easier to build social capital within a sector, such as the voluntary sector, building it in tight networks with voluntary organisations would appear to be an achievable goal for a city administration – but such networks do not guarantee an enhanced overall confidence in the local political system.  相似文献   
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Abstract. Cooperation among the western provinces developed from very rudimentary beginnings to where it has now become the order of the day. The rising tide of cooperation among the western provinces has not been structured in a very rigid manner. Rather, it has the image of a flexible arrangement in order to be adaptable to the particular situation and needs of the day. The western provinces have found sufficient common ground on which to base a lasting environment for strong cooperation and collaboration. The most prominent ‘rallying point’ among the western provinces which sparks this cooperative spirit is their desire to pursue the ‘economic destiny’ which they feel is rightfully theirs. By having the opportunity to develop to their fullest potential, the western provinces feel this is the manner in which they can make their maximum contribution to Confederation. The western provinces have a healthy record of joint cooperation in a variety of economic development initiatives. Where an opportunity for common action on a concrete item has been identified things have happened. Sommaire. La coopération entre les provinces de l'Ouest, qui a eu des débuts très rudimentaires, est maintenant à l'ordre du jour. Cette vague de coopération n'a pas été structurée de façon très rigide. Il s'agit plutǒt de dispositions souples qui peuvent s'adapter à toute situation particulière et aux besoins du moment. Les provinces de l'Ouest ont trouvé un terrain d'études suffisant qui sert de base permanente à la coopération et la collaboration. Leur point de ralliement le plus évident qui suscite cet esprit de coopération est leur désir de poursuivre ‘ le destin économique » qui, à leur sens, leur revient de droit. C'est en ayant la possibilité de réaliser complètement leur potentiel que les provinces de l'Ouest pensent maximiser leur contribution à la confédération. Les provinces de l'Ouest ont une histoire d'entreprises conjointes couvrant tout une gamme d'initiatives pour leur developpement économique. Après avoir déterminé la possibilité d'une action commune sur une question concrète, elles ont toujours agi.  相似文献   
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Abstract

The British, American, French and Finnish governments are seeking to promote investment in a new generation of nuclear power plants. Nuclear power programmes are delivered through networks of international companies through which government must manage. This is consistent with the concept of governance. Governments can advance their policy goals by using a variety of policy instruments to shape and organize governance networks. This is known as metagovernance. The paper considers the extent to which the selection and deployment of the policy instruments used to metagovern is informed by the prevailing tradition of government. The paper examines how the British, American, French and Finnish governments have tried to metagovern. It is shown that whilst governing traditions do inform the selection and deployment of the policy instruments used to metagovern, the composition of the network, and the nature of the policy problem also plays a role in shaping government action.  相似文献   
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