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After uprooting Saddam Hussein from power, establishing democracy in Iraq has been declared among the most important objectives of the U.S.-led Coalition. However, the Coalition has encountered complex ethnic and religious relations and resentment of foreign intervention in Iraq. These reactions reflect decades, even centuries, of divisive and antagonistic policies whose impacts continue to complicate and threaten coexistence and civil peace. The immediate challenge of achieving stability and peace in Iraq, therefore, rests in the ability to foster a genuinely indigenous institutional political structure that can accommodate the different ethnic and sectarian aspirations. This article highlights the major potential shortcomings of the federal model established by the "Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for The Transitional Period." It also examines the shortcomings of the List Proportional Representation system as presented by the United Nations for Iraq's transition, and alternatively proposes national electoral reform strategies, with the implementation of an Alternative Vote system with Minority Provision in the election to the National Assembly, as a means to strengthen Iraq's national unity. 相似文献
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Irene A. Nichols Holly M. Carter M.Patricia Golden 《Women's studies international forum》1985,8(4):383-390
In this paper we present an typology of the academic patron system which differentiates among its various functions in terms of the type of power academic patrons have (formal or informal) and the kind of faculty orientation they have (professional or organizational). Using the dichotomies of authority (formal power) or influence (informal power) and professional orientation (cosmopolitan) or organizational orientation (local), four types of academic patronage are identified: professional authority, organizational authority, professional influence, and organizational influence. For each type of academic patronage, associated strategies for empowering women are discussed. These strategies are considered in terms of the extent to which they affect not only ‘professional enfranchisement’, i.e. access, but also ‘professional efficacy’, i.e. a sense of personal power, of being in control, of having the ability to make a difference, for academic women. We conclude that the effective use of professional and organizational influence offers the best hope for the inclusion of women in academia and for changing the academic bureaucracy from a system of ‘participatory autocracy’ to a system of true collegiality. 相似文献
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