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41.
Kristin L. Olofsson 《政策研究评论》2022,39(1):73-89
In high-conflict policy debates, individuals often make strategic decisions about the ways in which they engage in efforts to influence the direction of the debate. Some individuals act to expand the scope of the conflict, whereas others would prefer to contain the scope of the conflict and maintain status quo. This study empirically examines the relationship between activities of political engagement and goals of conflict expansion or containment in a particular setting in which there are clear “winners” and “losers.” This research first explores the tactics an individual undertakes as either conflict expansion or containment. The patterns uncovered are then tested against sectoral affiliation, to draw conclusions about key factors that explain some variation in policy engagement. Findings confirm that there are predictable patterns to engagement decisions, paving the way for future testing in different policy arrangements. 相似文献
42.
Yvonne Pearson Gunnar Bankovics Maryellen Baumann Nancy Darcy Susan DeVries James Goetz Gregg Kowalsky 《Family Court Review》2006,44(4):672-682
A program to apply Early Neutral Evaluation (ENE), a confidential, settlement‐oriented and accelerated alternative dispute resolution technique, to child custody and parenting time cases has been cooperatively developed by Hennepin county Family Court Services and the Minnesota Fourth Judicial District Family Court. Parties are referred by the court to a male/female team of experienced neutral evaluators for early feedback on the probable outcome of a full evaluation and an opportunity to negotiate a settlement. It has proven to be a highly successful program in its first 2 years, with the majority of cases reaching an early settlement. The ENE program reduces the stress and expense of custody disputes for clients, expedites judicial case management, maximizes Family Court Services staff efficiency, and focuses subsequent evaluations on critical issues. 相似文献
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46.
Gunnar Grendstad 《Scandinavian political studies》2003,26(3):193-217
The erosion of the social and economic bases underlying traditional party systems has led analysts to search for new cleavage structures undergirding the present party systems. Meanwhile, analysts have identified a range of issue dimensions that also bear on voters’ party preferences. This article studies the degree to which grid-group theory's four political biases of hierarchy, egalitarianism, individualism, and fatalism can make inroads into the left–right dimension's stronghold in accounting for voters’ party preference. The analysis draws on a 1999 survey in the five Nordic countries (N= 4,832). The method combines voters’ party preferences with their scores on issue dimensions, or political dimensions. Analyses show that conventional party families, with one exception, are not identified along any of the five political orientations. Only the five conservative parties are exclusively identified as a party family on the left–right dimension. Party preference is more closely associated with the left–right dimension than the political biases. Sweden has the purest and simplest party cleavage, whereas Denmark has the most composite one. Across the Nordic countries, the green party family is most dissimilar, whereas the progress siblings are most alike. The left–right dimension accounts well for differences between parties within polities, whereas political biases, and egalitarianism in particular, account well for differences between parties of similar origin across polities. 相似文献
47.
Gunnar J. Weimann 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2019,42(1-2):25-42
AbstractSocial media offer unprecedented opportunities to terrorist groups to spread their message and target specific audiences for indoctrination and recruitment. In 2013 and 2014, social media, in particular Twitter, overtook Internet forums as preferred space for jihadist propaganda. This article looks into Arabic statements by Jabhat al-Nusra, Islamic State and jihadist forum administrators and online activists to argue that, beside the easier use of social media and disruption and infiltration of the forums, the conflict between the jihadist groups accelerated the migration to social media and the building of a presence on Twitter that provided relative resilience to suspensions. 相似文献
48.
Ólafur Th. Hardarson Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson 《European Journal of Political Research》2003,42(7-8):975-978
49.
Tom Christensen Mads Dagnis Jensen Michael Kluth Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson Kennet Lynggaard Per Lægreid Risto Niemikari Jon Pierre Tapio Raunio Gústaf Adolf Skúlason 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(3):658-676
Government responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in the Nordic states—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—exhibit similarities and differences. This article investigates the extent to which crisis policymaking diverges from normal policymaking within the Nordic countries and whether variations between the countries are associated with the role of expertise and the level of politicization. Government responses are analyzed in terms of governance arrangements and regulatory instruments. Findings demonstrate some deviation from normal policymaking within and considerable variation between the Nordic countries, as Denmark, Finland, and to some extent Norway exhibit similar patterns with hierarchical command and control governance arrangements, while Iceland, in some instances, resembles the case of Sweden, which has made use of network-based governance. The article shows that the higher the influence of experts, the more likely it is that the governance arrangement will be network-based. 相似文献
50.
Assessor Gunnar Postel 《Natur und Recht》2006,28(9):555-563
Die Anwendung des naturschutzrechtlichen Vorkaufsrechts wirft in der Praxis immer wieder Fragen auf. Dies gilt etwa für die
Problematik der Rechtsnatur der Vorkaufsrechtsausübung, aber auch für die Frage, ob die zust?ndige Beh?rde verpflichtet ist,
die Ausübung des Vorkaufsrechts auf solche Teile eines Grundstücks zu begrenzen, die tats?chlich für Zwecke des Naturschutzes
ben?tigt werden. Fraglich ist weiterhin, welche Anforderungen an die Rechtfertigung der Vorkaufsrechtsausübung zu stellen
sind. Schlie?lich sind die Auswirkungen des § 467 S. 2 BGB auf das naturschutzrechtliche Vorkaufsrecht weitestgehend ungekl?rt. 相似文献