排序方式: 共有37条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
Irrt ein Exekutivbeamter bei der Ausübung eines lebengef?hrdenden Waffengebrauchs darüber, dass ein wahrgenommenes Tatgeschehen
in rechtlicher Hinsicht das – den Rechtfertigungsgrund des § 7 Z 3 WaffGG konstituierende – Deliktsmerkmal der konkreten Gemeingefahr
(§ 176 Abs 1 StGB) verwirklicht, so liegt ein Irrtum über den sozialen Bedeutungsgehalt eines normativen Rechtfertigungsmerkmals
vor, der nach § 8 StGB als sogenannter Erlaubnistatbestandsirrtum und nicht als Rechtsirrtum (§ 9 StGB) zu beurteilen ist. 相似文献
22.
Österreich hat im Hinblick auf seinen nationalen Grund- und Menschenrechtsschutz durch die 1920 geschaffene Zentralinstanz des Verfassungsgerichtshofs lange Zeit eine Vorreiterposition in Europa belegt. Inzwischen wird jedoch immer deutlicher, dass zur Erfüllung völkerrechtlicher Menschenrechtsverpflichtungen sowie eines umfassenden Grundrechtsschutzes auf nationaler Ebene – im Sinne der Trias "respect, protect, fulfill" – die nachprüfende gerichtliche Kontrolle allein unzureichend ist. Die Schaffung einer unabhängigen und pluralistischen nationalen Institution würde dem Prozess einer kontinuierlichen Verbesserung der normativen und faktischen Menschenrechtssituation am Besten zum Ziel gereichen. Das umfangreiche Mandat einer solchen Menschenrechtsinstitution soll neben der Beratungs- und Berichtsfunktion gegenüber Regierung, Gesetzgebung und anderen staatlichen Organen insbesondere eine breite Kontrollbefugnis betreffend die Maßnahmen von Sicherheitsexekutive, Justizwache und Militär umfassen. Mediatives Einschreiten sowie die Kooperation mit internationalen und Nichtregierungsorganisationen komplettieren gemeinsam mit menschenrechtlicher Bildungs- und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, Forschung und Dokumentation die Hauptaufgaben der Institution. Seit der Weltmenschenrechtskonferenz 1993 in Wien besteht an der besonderen Bedeutung derartiger Einrichtungen kein Zweifel mehr; durch stetige Vorstöße internationaler Gremien, wie des Europarates und letztlich der Europäischen Union, erfährt die diesbezügliche Diskussion jetzt zusätzlichen Antrieb. Neben dem generellen, weltweiten Trend zur Errichtung nationaler Menschenrechtsinstitutionen stellen besonders die Entscheidung der EU, die in Wien ansässige Beobachtungsstelle für Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit (EUMC) ab März 2007 in eine Europäische Grundrechteagentur umzuwandeln, sowie Österreichs kurz bevorstehende Ratifizierung des Fakultativprotokolls zur UNO-Folterkonvention (OPCAT) unser Land vor die bedeutsame Aufgabe, endlich mit den zahlreichen europäischen Staaten gleichzuziehen, deren nicht-gerichtlicher Menschenrechtsschutz schon längst einer an den "Pariser Prinzipien 1993" orientierten, finanziell sowie organisatorisch unabhängigen Institution obliegt. 相似文献
23.
Hannes R. Stephan 《政策研究评论》2020,37(1):64-91
This study applies a narrative lens to policy actors’ discursive strategies in the Scottish debate over fracking. Based on a sample of 226 newspaper articles (2011–2017) and drawing on key elements of the narrative policy framework (NPF), the research examines how policy coalitions have characterized their supporters, their opponents, and the main regulator (Scottish government). It also explores how actors have sought to expand or contain the scope of conflict to favor their policy objectives. Empirically, only the government strives for conflict containment, whereas both pro‐ and anti‐fracking groups prioritize conflict expansion through characterization contests and the diffusion and concentration of the costs/risks and benefits of fracking. In theoretical terms, the study proposes that Sarah Pralle’s conflict management model, which emphasizes symmetrical strategies of conflict expansion by both coalitions, is a potential tool to revise extant NPF expectations about the different narrative strategies of winning and losing coalitions. Moreover, the fact that policy actors mostly employ negatively rather than positively framed characters in their narratives may be a valid expectation for similar policy conflicts, particularly under conditions of regulatory uncertainty. 相似文献
24.
Hannes Weber 《国际相互影响》2019,45(1):80-112
A popular hypothesis in international studies states that a “youth bulge”––an age pyramid dominated by large cohorts between 15 and 29 years of age––increases the risk of political violence. However, empirical evidence on this link remains inconclusive to date. In this article, we systematically assess the youth effect using new data from 183 countries between 1996 and 2015. We find that within countries, a decrease in the youth ratio is generally associated with a decrease in the number of violent deaths from terrorism or other internal conflicts, and vice versa. This is also confirmed in out-of-sample predictions. However, the association is not evident in all constellations and sensitive to modeling issues. In particular, large cohorts of young males can become a disruptive power in countries that increase enrollment in post-primary education. Although this is usually followed by fertility decline, youth bulges often remain at record levels for quite some time due to high birth rates in the past. Strong labor markets can in general suppress the detrimental consequences of youth bulges. However, the combination of growing youth cohorts and educational expansion often leads to increased political violence even in the presence of low youth unemployment. 相似文献
25.
John Vogler Hannes R. Stephan 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2007,7(4):389-413
For well over a decade, the European Union (EU) has proclaimed its leadership role in global environmental governance (GEG).
In this article, we examine both the nature of its leadership and the underlying conditions for ‘actorness’ upon which leadership
must depend. The EU’s record in the global conferences as well as its influence on the reform of the Commission on Sustainable
Development (CSD) and the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) are also investigated. We argue that the EU has frequently
sought to shape international environmental negotiations and promote sustainable development as an organising principle of
global governance. Despite its inadequate status at the UN and internal problems, it has had a significant effect on the global
agenda. However, due to persistent diplomatic opposition from other coalitions, its real, directly visible influence has been
more modest. For genuine directional leadership, which goes beyond the defence of self-interest, the Union will have to make
internal policy coherence a greater priority. Moreover, apart from relying solely on its weighty presence in the international
system or its potential capabilities, the EU needs to achieve a high level of credibility in order to enhance its powers of
persuasion.
相似文献
Hannes R. StephanEmail: |
26.
Hannes Weber 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2015,25(4):397-428
The share of residents with foreign roots in Germany will rise considerably in the next years. A crucial societal question will certainly be whether natives will get used to the increasing level of ethnic diversity or whether anti-immigrant threat perceptions will rise. There is an obvious empirical paradox in the context of this question: On the one hand, high immigration usually coincides with more skeptical views towards immigration and greater success for right-wing political parties. On the other hand, these reactions are often over-represented in regions where the actual share of migrants is rather low. This paper presents an overview of theories and evidence on this apparent contradiction. A crucial factor which can at least partially reconcile these ambivalent findings is the geographic level of analysis: If the national share of migrants increases, media coverage of the topic is greater and fears among the population accordingly rise in most cases. On the level of regions, however, effects of contact and habituation are strongest, such that people living in high-immigrant regions tend to perceive immigration in a more positive way. On the level of city districts, the relationship seemingly turns negative again. Here, the more tolerant citizens live in residential areas with a low to moderate share of migrants, while natives living in districts with many foreigners tend to move away or vote for far-right parties, as the success of the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) in the 2016 state elections suggests. A number of conclusions can be drawn with regard to current developments in Germany. 相似文献
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Hannes Hansen-Magnusson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2019,32(2):132-158
What does it mean to be responsible in and for the Arctic? This article addresses this question, noting that responsibility has become a core policy norm in different governance areas in recent decades. The article contributes to the current debate on responsibility in global politics, arguing that one should consider not only who is responsible (and what for) but also the capability foundations upon which responsibility is exercised, as well as the underlying normativity of this practice. Instead of only focusing on capabilities as first principles from which responsibilities arise, this article suggests approaching responsibility as a web of relations. On the basis of this theoretical discussion the article turns to two cases of contemporary Arctic policy where we can observe responsibility ‘at work’. The fields of search and rescue and sustainable development are both marked by a cooperative approach among (state and non-state) parties, whose interactions centre on a particular ethical understanding of responsibility rather than on power-oriented politics. Yet each policy field contains specific dilemmas, as Arctic governance is characterised by a web of responsibility that comprises multiple subjects in charge and/or objects for which they are responsible. 相似文献
30.
The article examines three village communities—Lekenik in Civil Croatia, Bobovac in the Croatian Military Border, and Orašac in Serbia—to answer the question of why the inhabitants of these villages experienced radical changes in their collective lives and their household organization during the nineteenth century. Complex households had developed in these villages in previous centuries, but a series of political, social, and economic changes, starting in the middle decades of the century, combined to make the continuation of the large complex household unfeasible. In the final analysis, the process of transformation of the large and complex households was rooted in economic change, particularly in the arrival of a monetized economy and mercantile capitalism. The cultural values of complex households still existed after the dissolution of the large complex households, and continued to be important well into the twentieth century. 相似文献