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Danny Hayes 《American journal of political science》2005,49(4):908-923
Using Petrocik's (1996) theory of issue ownership as a point of departure, I develop and test a theory of "trait ownership" that provides an explanation for the origins of candidate trait perceptions and illustrates an important way that candidates affect voters. Specifically, I argue for a direct connection between the issues owned by a political party and evaluations of the personal attributes of its candidates. As a result, the American public views Republicans as stronger leaders and more moral, while Democrats hold advantages on compassion and empathy. I also draw on "expectations gap" arguments from psychology and political science to demonstrate how a candidate may gain an electoral advantage by successfully "trespassing" on his opponent's trait territory. National Election Studies data from the 1980–2004 presidential elections are used to demonstrate the existence, durability, and effects of trait ownership in contemporary American political campaigns. 相似文献
76.
Human and insect mitochondrial DNA analysis from maggots 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
Wells JD Introna F Di Vella G Campobasso CP Hayes J Sperling FA 《Journal of forensic sciences》2001,46(3):685-687
During the course of our forensic investigations, we have encountered situations where it would have been useful to have evidence, other than direct contact between the two, for concluding that a carrion-fly maggot developed on a particular human victim. If a maggot collected during a death investigation did not develop on the victim, then its age is not relevant to estimating the postmortem interval. In this study we demonstrate that mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequence data can be obtained from the dissected gut of a maggot that had fed on human tissue. These data can be used to identify both the human corpse upon which the maggot had been feeding and the species of the maggot itself. 相似文献
77.
While the effects of legal and institutional arrangements on political participation are well documented, little attention has been given to the potential participatory effects of one of the United States' most important electoral laws: constitutionally mandated reapportionment. By severing the ties between constituents and their incumbents, we argue, redistricting raises information costs, leading to increased levels of nonvoting in U.S. House contests. Survey data from the 1992 American National Election Studies show that redrawn citizens are half as likely to know their incumbent's name as citizens who remain in a familiar incumbent's district and, consequently, significantly more likely to roll off, or abstain from voting in the House election after having cast a presidential vote. We also show that participation rates in the 2002–2006 House elections in Texas—each of which followed a redistricting—match these patterns, with roll-off increasing 3% to 8% in portions of the state that were redrawn, controlling for other factors. The findings demonstrate that scholars and policy makers ought to be concerned with the extent to which the redrawing of congressional lines affects citizens' exercise of political voice. 相似文献
78.
Matthew A. Bills Eryn Nicole O’Neal Brittany E. Hayes Katherine A. Meeker 《Journal of school violence》2020,19(2):205-218
ABSTRACTThis study used data from an in-person paper-and-pencil climate survey administered to students in a random sample of classes at a four-year southeastern university. Respondents (N = 248) left unsolicited qualitative comments on the survey (N = 540). Grounded theory was used to determine if themes existed among them. Questions on school safety, rape myths, and resource knowledge prompted the most unsolicited comments (n = 111). Comments centered on clarification or opinions. Given the survey was adapted from a prior climate survey, unsolicited comments highlight areas of clarification and improvement for future iterations of climate surveys. Implications for campus safety are discussed. 相似文献
79.
In this paper we explore the space that dyadic intimacy plays within the counterpublic world-building of political activism. We reflect on a particular encounter between the artists and ACT UP activists Zoe Leonard and David Wojnarowicz by offering two readings of what we call the “counterprivate” relation between the two. In the first part of our argument, we contend that the counterprivate couple form (found in our case study of Leonard and Wojnarowicz) occasions a space of provisional leave from the normative affective, aesthetic, and identity-based impulses which tend to emerge in social movement group formation. Despite established critiques of the private, dyadic intimacy of the couple within social movement theory and queer and feminist cultural studies, we highlight the value of counterprivate couples – not in place of the collective world-building that is made possible by political organizing and collective identity, but as a necessary aesthetic complement to collective, participatory politics. In the second part of our argument, we read the intimacy between Leonard and Wojnarowicz as a private moment of expressed doubt that has subsequently been institutionalized into a public discourse through the context of art. Here the counterprivate couple form in turn becomes a counterpublic mode of collective world-making once more. This transformation from counterprivate relation to public discourse occasions a practice of collective subject formation (in the institutional terrain of art) that affirms doubt, curiosity, and poetic beauty as part of the reproductive labor involved in political participation. 相似文献
80.
Brittany E. Hayes 《Journal of family violence》2012,27(4):333-344
The current study evaluates the impact of prior controlling behavior and physical abuse on indirect abuse during the process
of separation. The sample includes women in the New York City family court system from 2002 to 2005 who had at least one child
with the male she was obtaining an order of protection against. Stepwise logistic regression was used to determine the impact
of prior physical abuse and controlling behavior on if the abusive partner told lies to the children, kept the children longer
or contacted the woman’s family or friends over the follow-up period. Women experienced a decline in the occurrence of physical
abuse but did not experience the same decline in controlling behaviors over the follow-up period. Level of education and employment
status of the couple may be more appropriate predictors of later indirect abuse over the process of separation than prior
physical abuse and controlling behavior. 相似文献