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Helen Thompson 《Economy and Society》2017,46(2):211-228
The nature of the City of London as an offshore financial centre has long made London dependent on the British state providing protection from external political regulation, even as London’s foreign currency business separated its interests from British governments’ economic policy preoccupations. Since the 2008 crash and the onset of the eurozone crisis, London has faced threats to both its autonomy from external regulatory demands and to its offshore business interests at the same time as the long-standing external statecraft of British governments around EU membership has broken down. The Cameron governments’ efforts to protect the City within the European Union under political conditions that were transformed by the eurozone crisis exposed the limits of Britain’s position as a member of the European Union. When David Cameron then tried to resolve the problem of EU membership through a referendum he made it extremely difficult to defend the City’s broader commercial interests in the Single European Market because freedom of movement issues weighed significantly more in British domestic politics than financial services. 相似文献
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Using panel data that track individual students from year to year, we examine the effects of charter schools in North Carolina on racial segregation and black‐white test score gaps. We find that North Carolina's system of charter schools has increased the racial isolation of both black and white students, and has widened the achievement gap. Moreover, the relatively large negative effects of charter schools on the achievement of black students is driven by students who transfer into charter schools that are more racially isolated than the schools they have left. Our analysis of charter school choices suggests that asymmetric preferences of black and white charter school students (and their families) for schools of different racial compositions help to explain why there are so few racially balanced charter schools. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
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Sullivan C 《DePaul journal of health care law》2002,5(2):249-255
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Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis of forensic samples typically is performed when the quantity and quality of DNA are insufficient for nuclear DNA analysis or when maternal relatives may be the only reference source. Many of the steps required in the analytical process are both lengthy and labor intensive. Therefore, improvements in the process that reduce labor without compromising the quality of the data are desirable. The current procedure requires purification of the amplicons by centrifugal filtration after PCR and prior to cycle sequencing. Because this method requires several manipulations to perform, alternate cleanup procedures were investigated. These include the use of 1) Qiagen QlAquick PCR Purification columns, 2) Concert Rapid PCR Purification columns, and 3) ExoSAP-IT reagent. When the yield of purified amplicons, quality of the sequence profile, and ease of assay were evaluated, the use of ExoSAP-IT reagent for post-amplification purification was chosen to replace the filtration method. 相似文献
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Sullivan John L. Borgida Eugene Jackson Melinda S. Riedel Eric Oxendine Alina R. 《Political Behavior》2002,24(1):55-84
In this study we examine responses to the recent expansion of information technology in two rural Minnesota towns. One of these towns took a cooperative approach to technology access, developing a community electronic network, while the other town relied on a more individualistic, entrepreneurial model. The present study examines citizens' attitudes concerning social, political, and technological issues in these two communities, with the goal of uncovering what kinds of attitudes and resources citizens need to have in order to help support and sustain a community electronic network. Structural equation modeling is used to specify the relationships among individuals' economic, political, and social resources, technology ownership and use, and awareness of and support for the community network. Drawing on a theory of social capital, we consider the relative importance of privately- oriented social engagement versus publicly- oriented political engagement in relation to collective outcomes. Our analysis shows that in the town with the broadly- based community electronic network, individuals' political as well as economic resources are linked to knowledge and use of computer resources, whereas in the comparison community, economic stratification alone drives computer access. The implications of these findings for issues of equity, access to technology, and the development of strong community ties are discussed. 相似文献
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