Finanzmarktwächter: Über die Synchronisation von Politik und Ökonomie

From the perspective of an actor-centered theory of differentiation, the article explores how political decisions and developments in a financialized economy are temporally coordinated. For the purpose of answering this research question, the paper develops a four-dimensional heuristic model capable of capturing societal differences regarding time. By sketching the concept of a “hybrid organization”, it models an arena in which such differences may be bridged. Assuming this theoretical perspective, the paper examines the German Federal Financial Supervisory Authority (BaFin) in order to scrutinize how and to which extent the targeted synchronization of politics and finance is achieved. This qualitative organizational study shows that the BaFin accomplishes its function only to a limited degree: Global flows of capital and bureaucratic provisions erode its leverage as a supervisor of the financial market, and the accelerated dissemination of financial derivatives make it look like a lethargic authority. Thus, from a sociological point of view further structural alterations at the interface of the political and economic sphere are required in order to lower the risk of economic crises and post-democratic developments.     

The organization of influence on the EC's common agriculturalpolicy: A network approach

The common agricultural policy of the EC with its market regulations is decided at EC level by a multilevel system of government, in which the Commission and the parliamentary parties of the European Parliament play the supranational role and the national ministries of agriculture act as parts of the intergovernmental system of the Council of Ministers. National interest groups have thereby three major access routes to the EC system, first through their national governments, or second indirectly, transmitted by their European peak organizations, or third directly to the supranational EC actors. The network approach is applied to study empirically the densities of access through these various routes. The links between actors in the agricultural policy domain are conceptualized as links for the exchange of resources, the most important resource of a policy domain being the final control of policy decisions. The political actors of the governance system originally hold full control of this valuable resource which they exchange for influence resources possessed by the interest groups, as public support or expert knowledge. Empirically, answers to the network questions depend on the type of resource and the viewpoint of the interviewed actors. An index is developed which indicates the resource flows between actors and the distribution of equilibrium control of policy decisions. It is shown that the national ministers of agriculture depend very much on the support and expertise of their national farmers' lobby, whereas the Commission relies more on contacts within the political sector itself. Multilevel systems need a lot of political coordination, so that the political actors within such systems, especially at the supranational level, seem to deal first of all with each other and not so much with the demand side of politics, compared to the national ministers of agriculture.     

Colchicine poisoning by accidental ingestion of meadow saffron (Colchicum autumnale): pathological and medicolegal aspects

Although intoxications with colchicine, the alkaloid of Colchicum autumnale (meadow saffron), are well known, in most cases the intoxications are evoked by oral or parenteral preparations traditionally used as medication against gout. The accidental ingestion of Colchicum autumnale, on the other hand, is a rare event and has to our knowledge only twice been described in detail. We report a further case in which two persons confused this highly poisonous plant with wild garlic (Allium ursinum), a popular spice in the Central European cuisine. While one person merely complained about a 3-day episode of nausea, vomiting and watery diarrhea, the second person died of multi-organ system derangements 48 h after the ingestion of the colchicum leaves. At autopsy hemorrhagic lung oedema, hypocellular bonemarrow, centrilobular fatty necrosis of the liver and necrosis of the proximal convoluted tubuli of the kidneys were observed. A colchicine concentration of 7.5 micrograms/ml was found in the bile whereas no substance was detected in the postmortem blood.     

Maneuvering with Crime. An Empirical Reconstruction of “Populist” Stances on Youth Crime in German Parliamentary Debates

Recent years have seen a wide discussion of populism in penal policy, which is internationally regarded as a strong drive for establishing punitive tendencies. Generally, “penal populism” is characterized by an extensive consensus across the most influential political parties, a punitive orientation, and the dismissal of scientific or professional expertise. Recent penal policy therefore appears to be a relatively unified practice strongly oriented toward punitive measures that primarily address the public and its perceived need for protection. Because analyses of Anglophone countries are predominant in this discussion, we contrast them with a reconstruction of debates on youth crime in German parliaments from 1970 to 2012. They exhibit a wide variety of populist articulations. Although they imply a strong punitive bias, they also encompass a very heterogeneous rhetoric of penal policy. In conclusion, we argue that penal populism can (and should) be described as a tactical practice, i.e., as political maneuvering employed to negotiate the prospects of punitive and other styles of politics.     

Victim or Offender? Heterogeneity Among Women Arrested for Intimate Partner Violence

Mandatory arrest laws for intimate partner violence (IPV) have increased both the number and proportion of arrests that involve female defendants. Whether these numbers should be as high as they are remains a source of controversy. Most practitioners argue that women are usually arrested for defensive actions used in the face of assaults perpetrated by their spouse/partner. Others believe that these higher arrest rates more accurately reflect the true prevalence of physical aggression perpetrated by women. One way to help clarify this debate is to take a closer look at the women charged with IPV. The present study used self-reported information and criminal justice records on prior aggression to classify 485 women convicted of IPV into four distinct subtypes (i.e., no prior violence, primary victim, primary aggressor, and primary aggressor not identified). Despite the fact that all of these women were arrested for and convicted of IPV, analyses consistently found that few of the women could be considered as the primary aggressor in their relationship. Nor, however, were all of the women classified as primary victims. Methodological issues are discussed as well as the policy, practice, and research implications of this study.