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171.
Advocates of consensual political institutions, i.e. institutions that promote compromise and powersharing among political parties, claim that these institutions promote moderation in government policy outputs. To date, however, there exists little research – either theoretical or empirical – that evaluates whether consensual institutions promote moderation in parties' policy declarations. We develop a multiparty spatial model with policy-seeking parties operating under proportional representation, in which we vary the extent to which government policies reflect power-sharing among all parties as opposed to being determined by a single party. We determine parties' optimal (Nash equilibrium) policy positions and conclude that power-sharing does not typically motivate parties to moderate their policy declarations; in fact, policy positioning under power-sharing appears to be similar to or more extreme than under single-party dominance. Consistent with previous research, however, we find that power-sharing does promote moderation in government policy outputs. Our results have implications for parties’ election strategies, for the design of political institutions, and for representative government. 相似文献
172.
Olivia Colella M.S. Marilyn Miller Ed.D. Edward Boone Ph.D. Sylvia Buffington-Lester Francis J. Curran III B.S. Tal Simmons Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(1):90-96
To understand how time and temperature could affect latent fingerprints, wooden pallets were used to construct five units that each housed ten 60-watt incandescent light bulbs. Fingerprints were deposited on the top, middle, and base of the globes. The bulbs were powered on (except the control bulb in each unit) for 18, 48, 72, 120, 168, 336, 504, and 672 h. Fingerprints recovered from the bulbs by tape lift after black powder processing were given a quality score. A thermal imaging camera determined temperatures on three areas of the bulbs. Fingerprints on the top of the globe (156.3°C) had the lowest quality score, and fingerprints on the middle of the globe (112.6°C) had the highest quality score. The mean quality scores of the three temperature classes were within one standard deviation of one another, meaning there is no way to estimate fingerprint age based on its quality after heat exposure. 相似文献
173.
Bianca D. M. Wilson Sid P. Jordan Ilan H. Meyer Andrew R. Flores Lara Stemple Jody L. Herman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(7):1547-1561
Research indicates that sexual minority youth are disproportionately criminalized in the U.S. and subjected to abusive treatment while in correctional facilities. However, the scope and extent of disparities based on sexual orientation remains largely overlooked in the juvenile justice literature. This study, based on a nationally representative federal agency survey conducted in 2012 (N?=?8785; 9.9% girls), reveals that 39.4% of girls and 3.2% of boys in juvenile correctional facilities identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual. These youth, particularly gay and bisexual boys, report higher rates of sexual victimization compared to their heterosexual peers. Sexual minority youth, defined as both lesbian, gay, and bisexual identified youth as well as youth who identified as straight and reported some same-sex attraction, were also 2–3 times more likely than heterosexual youth to report prior episodes of detention lasting a year or more. Implications for future research and public policy are discussed. 相似文献
174.
AbstractBy examining young people's habits of using the media in relation to citizenship, this article responds to calls that the starting point for research into citizenship and democracy should be the perspectives of citizens themselves. Drawing on both quantitative and qualitative research with young South Africans (the ‘born free’ generation), the study sought to gain insight into how young people use media to make sense of notions of citizenship and participatory democracy in ways that are relevant and reliable to their everyday lives. The findings suggest that young South Africans are distrustful of politicians and political institutions. Media consumption was high amongst participants, as well as media trust, but the lack of relevance of media content suggests that those wanting to engage with the youth through the media need to target content through more youth-orientated genres. 相似文献
175.
176.
Herman Bakvis 《管理》2000,13(1):71-103
After two decades of focusing on deficit reduction and restructuring of operations, governments in many areas of the world are once again contemplating new policies and expenditures. In Canada, where budgetary surpluses have recently replaced deficits, the federal government has been asking whether it still has the capacity to make informed choices about new programs. This article examines Canada's recent efforts in rebuilding its policy capacity. It asks, first, to what extent and in what way was policy capacity originally lost. Second, it appraises the adequacy of new policy "networks," consisting of think tanks, consultants and government officials, as "virtual replacements" for former government-controlled advisory bodies, royal commissions, and in-house policy units. Finally, it notes the relative absence of parliamentarians, and even the political executive, from capacity-rebuilding activities, a deficiency that in the long run may undermine the legitimacy and effectiveness of such efforts. 相似文献
177.
Maarten Herman Walter van Zalk Margaret Kerr 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(10):1658-1671
Adolescence is an important period for the development of relationships between immigrants and non-immigrants, yet little is known about how problematic personality traits affect adolescents’ relationships with and attitudes toward immigrants. This work identified the roles of intergroup relationships and one dimension of problematic personality traits, namely callous–unemotional traits, in the development of adolescents’ tolerance and prejudice. Three annual measurements of a large community sample (N = 1,542) of non-immigrant adolescents (M age = 15.31 at first measurement; 50.2 % girls) were used to show that tolerance and prejudice toward immigrants represent two dimensions with distinct developmental trajectories from early to late adolescence. Callous–unemotional traits predicted fewer decreases in prejudice toward immigrants, yet were not directly associated with tolerance. Intergroup friendships predicted stronger increases in tolerance, which, in turn, predicted decreases in prejudice toward immigrants. Thus, tolerance and prejudice toward immigrants seem to be differentially influenced by social experiences and problematic personality traits. 相似文献
178.
179.
We investigate whether the effect of government corruption is conditional on a country’s institutional structure. Federal systems have an additional layer of government, making lobbying relatively more costly. We investigate whether the effect of government corruption on environmental policy (in the form of restrictions on energy use) is conditional on a federal system being in place. Using 1982–96 data from 11 industry sectors in 12 OECD economies we find that while greater government corruption reduces the stringency of environmental policy, the effect declines in federal systems. 相似文献
180.