Sweden: Democratic Reforms and Partisan Decline in an Emerging Separation-of-Powers System1

Early in the twentieth century, parliamentary democracy developed within an 1809 constitution based on separation of powers. By the mid-1970s, the last remnants of this constitution had disappeared. After that, measures such as more openness in candidate nominations, positive preference voting and more scrutiny by parliamentarians were introduced to strengthen the democratic chain. But a weakening of political parties and an increased importance of external constraints are again moving Sweden towards a de facto separation-of-powers system. There is once again a considerable discrepancy between the written constitutional framework and the 'working constitution'. In particular, local and supranational constraints on national policy making provide reason for a reconsideration of the constitutional framework.     

The Rise of the Sun: Legal Arguments in Outer Continental Margin Delimitations

Netherlands International Law Review -     

Norway and a major international crisis: Suez - the very difficult case

This article reviews Norway's policy during the Suez crisis in 1956, how the policy was formed and how it can be explained. Emphasis is put on the decision-making process and on the role of the powerful Norwegian Shipowners' Association. It also discusses Norway's most important interests and considerations in policy formation, and how they were balanced. Norway's Suez policy is seen in connection with the close relations with Israel, which could be viewed as in conflict with the protection of Norway's NATO membership and vital economic interests, represented by the powerful shipowners. In the end, Norway's Suez policy is put in the context of the change in Norwegian foreign and security policy in general, a shift in emphasis from being Britain's close ally and friend to being under the protective umbrella of the US, the new superpower.     

The bear and the EU-China-US triangle: transatlantic and Russian influences on EU’s “pivot to Asia”

Asia Europe Journal - This chapter argues that in the case of the EU’s efforts to undertake a “Pivot to Asia”, added explanatory salience can be achieved by recognising firstly...     

Extreme nationalism and violent discourses in Scandinavia: ‘the resistance’, ‘traitors’, and ‘foreign invaders’

This is a comparative analysis of neo‐Nazis and anti‐immigration activists in Norway, Denmark and Sweden with regard to their rhetoric and justifications for violence against ‘foreigners’ and political opponents, and actual patterns of violence and harassment. Different traditions of nationalism in the three Scandinavian countries, and highly dissimilar historical experiences ‐ especially during World War II ‐influence the rhetorical strategies of the two types of extreme nationalists, and their respective abilities to appropriate national symbols. However, based on divergent historical analogies, most extreme nationalist groups present themselves as a ‘resistance movement’ fighting ‘foreign invaders’ and ‘traitors’.     

Saab,British aerospace and the JAS 39 Gripen aircraft joint venture

While most combat aircraft used by the Royal Swedish Air Force (RSAF) were designed and manufactured in Sweden and, with the exception of surplus aircraft, only delivered to the RSAF, the JAS 39 Gripen multi‐role aircraft is different. Gripen aircraft being delivered to the RSAF are partly manufactured by British Aerospace (BAe), and Saab and BAe are, ‘arm in arm’, marketing it abroad. This article describes the background of as well as the Saab‐BAe Gripen joint venture as such, and raises a few issues involved in Europe's ‘globalization’ of national military‐industrial activities.

By joining up with BAe, Saab has joined one of the major aerospace companies in Europe. It seems likely that the Saab‐BAe joint venture is Sweden's exit from indigenous combat aircraft designs, and the entrance to European multinational projects in the future. BAe's role in Europe's aircraft and missile industrial restructuring is likely to decide Sweden's place and role. The joint venture as such, and the problems involved in reaching a united, binding and in its implementation restrictive European export Code of Conduct, suggests that the Gripen will be exported according to the common export interests in Britain and Sweden.     

Namibia and nuclear proliferation

This article offers a discussion of the probable effects of a Worldwide Patent System for developing countries. It draws upon insights from the ongoing processes in the World Intellectual Property Organization and elsewhere relevant for the global patent system and discusses these features from a developing country perspective. For scientifically advanced developing countries the effect in their most advanced and most global enterprises is potentially positive as they will benefit as much as other multinational companies. In areas of research and development where these most advanced developing countries do not possess a high level of technological capacity, a Worldwide Patent System is unlikely to create any benefits for them. For countries with the ability to copy and produce inventions made by others a Worldwide Patent System will have a negative effect as inventors will have little opportunity to utilise the system, whereas they will be bound by a larger number of exclusive rights narrowing down their space for innovation. For the least developed countries an additional problem arises: it might become even more difficult to import essential goods because patents will be in force in these countries even though there is no production of that product in the country.