Reputation reform strategies in local government: investigating Denmark and Norway

This article investigates reputation reform in Norwegian and Danish local government and whether they have the same strategy content depending on the degree of administrative involvement and municipality size. Political and administrative actors are likely to cultivate different types of reputation strategies (place or organisational reputation), which explicitly embrace the potentially diverging interests cultivated by the two types of actors. We use a comparative design and quantitative method with an empirical ambition to explore local government reputation strategies in two national contexts. We find that local government responses to reputation reform depend on the size of the municipality and the type of actors involved; the larger the municipality, the more the administration is involved. And the more that administrative actors are involved, the more the strategies target organisational reputation. The country-specific factors do not appear to be the most important determinants for reputation reform strategies.     

Coloured Judgements? The Work of the Thai Constitutional Court, 1998–2016

Created in 1997 as part of a major constitutional reform, Thailand’s Constitutional Court has since become embroiled in several high-profile political controversies. Since the 2006 coup, because a number of such decisions have favoured one political camp and considering obvious close and long-standing relations between judges and political elites, questions have arisen about the court’s ability to act as an independent arbiter. Is this view justifiable? To answer that question, this article first analyses how the court has behaved across political administrations in 32 high-profile cases since 2001. It then turns to the socio-biographic profile of the bench, the politics of nominations and changes to its composition, particularly since 2006. Finally, the article considers data on participants in classes offered by the Constitutional Court, which makes it possible to better understand the links between Thai political and judicial networks. The analysis finds evidence of politically biased voting patterns and increasingly partisan nominations to the court, though formally appointment procedures are apolitical, which suggests the politicisation of the court and growing ties between judicial and political elites. These findings raise new questions about the public’s perception of the Constitutional Court’s legitimacy and prospects for the rule of law.     

Book reviews

Understanding Gender in the Social Sciences and Women's Research Karin Widerberg and Arnhild Taksdal, eds, F?rståeker av kj?nn —i samfumsvitenskapenes fag og kvimeforskning (Understanding Gender in the Social Sciences and Women's Research). Oslo: Ad Notam Gyldendal, 1992.

A feminist literary study in romanticism Eva Borgström: "Om jag får be om öbst”: Kring kvinnliga författares kvimobilder i svensk romantik. ("If I may ask for ölost”: On the Images of Women Portrayed by Women Writers of the Swedish Romantic Age). 272 pp. Summary in English. Göteborg: Anamma förlag, 1991.     

Simply a Matter of Being Male? Nurses’ Employment Outcomes in the Norwegian Labour Market

The gendered segregation of the labour market is well documented: men tend to be employed in more prestigious and powerful jobs compared with women, even within female-dominated occupations. The research that describes the male privilege in nursing rarely problematizes, however, that these men belong to the majority ethnic population. Qualitative studies from the US and Norway show that men of minority ethnic origin experience discriminatory practices from supervisors and colleagues that can have a negative impact on their career mobility. An important insight from those studies is that it is not only gender that shapes careers, but the particular intersection of gender and ethnicity. But to what extent are the employment outcomes of ethnic minority and majority male nurses characterized by similarities or dissimilarities? The current article uses individual-level administrative data to investigate and compare employment outcomes among ethnic minority and majority male nurses in Norway. More precisely, we investigate the likelihood of being employed in long-term care, psychiatric care, and somatic hospitals. Our empirical approach is to estimate employment outcomes by gender, ethnicity, and their interaction. Based on this, we can determine whether it is primarily gender, ethnicity, or gender and ethnicity in combination that predict any intra-occupational segregation of minority and majority ethnic male nurses. The results show that minority ethnic men are over-represented in long-term care and under-represented in hospitals compared with majority ethnic men, whereas both men of minority and majority ethnic origin are over-represented in psychiatric care. We conclude that employment in health care organizations considered more congruent with “masculinity” is most pronounced among male nurses of majority ethnic origin. The results also reveal an emerging pattern of intra-occupational segregation with a clustering of minority ethnic nurses in long-term care, and this tendency is particularly pronounced among male nurses.     

Japan’s Shifting Military Priorities: Counterbalancing China’s Rise

This article analyzes the most recent phase of Japan’s security policy reform, focusing on its shifting priorities towards the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Japan–US alliance since mid-2010. From a realist perspective, it argues that these shifting military priorities first and foremost represent a traditional counterbalancing response to China’s rise. Conforming to the logic inherent in balance of threat theory, it moreover argues that this balancing behavior is explained by a confluence of two primary factors, namely Japanese perceptions of aggressive Chinese behavior in the maritime domain and concerns relating to the changing distribution of capabilities in China’s favor.     

Negotiating Municipal Merger

This article contributes to organizational research by describing the format and space of negotiation arenas – temporary arenas with diverse social order characteristics. The article also contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of different logics of negotiation. We compare two cases from the Norwegian Local Government Reform. The empirical phenomena of a negotiation arena, where municipalities negotiate potential mergers, provides relevant knowledge. Results from the study show that, despite similar conditional factors, we find significant differences in how the municipalities approach and organize the process, how it evolves and how it ends. We argue that the motivation and design of the negotiation arena not only affect the dominating logic of negotiation through the processes, but also the foundation for any potential mergers. Logics of negotiation are related to the initial characteristics of the negotiation arena, but also become an important variable in the development of this negotiation arena. In this way, the article illustrates a two-way interaction between social order and logics of negotiation, and shows why negotiation arenas differ and change over time.     

This time is different?—on the use of emergency measures during the corona pandemic

European Journal of Law and Economics - In many areas such as consumer law or competition law, legislators can opt between two alternative forms of sanctions to remedy wrongdoing: they can impose...     

‘This time it’s different’ – the European lead candidate procedure of 2014 and its historical background

The 2014 elections for the European Parliament (EP) witnessed a novel procedure: the lead candidate (or Spitzenkandidaten) procedure, which was to (and did in fact) link the polling results to the nomination of the new European Commission President. This article investigates the procedure’s historical background from a long-term parliamentary perspective. It points out that there were three factors or developments that explain its introduction: the EP’s assertive political culture, increasing attention for the EP’s representative function and the support of prominent political actors who were able to make a difference.     

Negative partisanship and the populist radical right: The case of Norway

With the rise and influence of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Western European democracies, research has focused on explaining the PRR vote. We know less about the reasons why many people would never vote for these parties. Recent research has pointed out that negative partisanship may be particularly prominent in the case of PRR parties. This study contributes to that line of research. It demonstrates that the PRR Progress Party in Norway has the highest share of negative partisanship of all parties in the system. Novel analysis of open-ended responses reveal that negative partisans react against both the party's policies and rhetorical style. The analysis reveals that negative partisans mirror voters of the PRR only to some extent. Notably, they emphasize disagreements with the party's views on humanity, and with environmental and economic policies. Political style is also a considerable source of negative PRR partisanship and is more important to account for never voting than to account for the support for these parties. The findings underscore that the study of negative partisanship contributes to a fuller account of patterns of PRR electoral performance and particularly its limitations.