Screening for drug use among Norwegian drivers suspected of driving under influence of alcohol or drugs

Two hundred and seventy blood samples selected at random from Norwegian drivers apprehended on the suspicion of drunken or drugged driving were screened for the presence of amphetamine, benzodiazepines, cannabinoids, tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) and cocaine. Of the samples tested, 223 were from drivers suspected of driving under the influence of alcohol only (A-cases). In the rest (n = 47) of the cases, the police also suspected drugs as a possible reason for driving impairment (D-cases). In the A-cases, benzodiazepines were found in 17%, cannabinoids in 26%, THC in 13% and amphetamine in 2% of the blood samples. One or more drugs besides ethanol were found in 38% of the A-samples. In the D-cases, benzodiazepines were found in 53%, cannabinoids in 43%, THC in 43%, amphetamine in 13% and 77% of these samples contained one or more drugs. Cocaine was not detected in any sample. Blood alcohol concentrations (BAC) above the legal limit of 0.05% were found in 80% of the drug positive A-cases and in 28% of the drug positive D-cases. The frequency of drug detection in A-samples was similar (40%) in samples with BAC above and below 0.05%, while this frequency was much higher (above 90%) in D-samples with BAC below 0.05% than in D-samples with BAC above 0.05% (53%). Benzodiazepines were most frequently found among drivers above 25 years of age, while cannabinoids were most frequently found among drivers below 35 years. For about 15-20% of the A-cases with BAC below 0.05%, other drugs were detected at concentrations which may cause driving impairment. It was concluded that analysis of alcohol only might often be insufficient in A-cases to reveal driving impairment.     

A Danish Party Cohesion Cycle

The aim is to analyze short-term fluctuations in Danish parliamentary party cohesion on the backdrop of an American electoral pattern in party cohesion. A Danish cycle is documented: party cohesion in relation to voting behavior is especially high just after an election, then it drops to rise again as election time approaches. A rational choice re-election model predicts the rise in party cohesion, but an obligation actualization model predicts the full cycle. Elections actualize Danish MPs' moral obligation to their party. Where American party cohesion drops in an election year, Danish party cohesion rises when an election approaches. This may be explained by different preferences in the American and Danish electorates: Danish voters value party cohesion per se , American voters do not.     

Psychopathy (PCL-R) Predicts Violent Recidivism Among Criminal Offenders with Personality Disorders in Sweden

Psychopathy as conceptualized with Hare's Psychopathy Checklist Revised, PCL-R, has attracted much research during the 1990s. In the Scandinavian countries, few studies that empirically support the validity of North American risk assessment techniques in our regional context have been published. The purpose of this paper is to explore the predictive power of the PCL-R in a population of personality-disordered violent offenders subjected to forensic psychiatric evaluation in Sweden. Following release from prison (n = 172), discharge from forensic psychiatric treatment (n = 129), or probation (n = 51), a total of 352 individuals were followed for up to 8 years (mean = 3.7 years) with reconviction for violent crime as endpoint variable (base rate 34%). As the estimate of predictive power, the area under the curve of a receiver operating characteristic (AUC of ROC) analysis was calculated. For PCL-R scores to predict 2-year violent recidivism, AUC of ROC was .72 (95% CI: .66–.78). In addition, the personality dimension of psychopathy (Factor 1) and the behavioral component (Factor 2) both predicted 2-year recidivism significantly better than random: AUC of ROC .64 (95% CI: .57–.70) and .71 (95% CI: .65–.77), respectively. We conclude that psychopathy is probably as valid a predictor of violent recidivism in Swedish forensic settings as seen in previous North American studies.     

Attitudes Toward Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in Moscow,Russia

This study examines attitudes towards violence against women among the populace in Moscow, Russia using data drawn from the Moscow Health Survey. Information was obtained from 1,190 subjects (510 men and 680 women) about their perceptions of whether violence against women was a serious problem in contemporary Russia, and under what circumstances they thought it was justifiable for a husband to hit his wife. Less than half the respondents thought violence was a serious problem, while for a small number of interviewees there were several scenarios where violence was regarded as being permissible against a wife. Being young, divorced or widowed, having financial difficulties, and regularly consuming alcohol were associated with attitudes more supportive of violence amongst men; having a low educational level underpinned supportive attitudes among both men and women. Results are discussed in terms of the public reemergence of patriarchal attitudes in Russia in the post-Soviet period.     

Backlash Reconsidered: Neoliberalism and Popular Mobilization in Bolivia

This article argues that the common narrative of a Bolivian backlash against neoliberalism should be reconsidered in light of the continuities and mutual constraints between popular mobilization and neoliberal policy reforms. The study draws on literature that conceptualizes neoliberalism as a particular construction of state and social forms; but unlike those works, it includes an analysis of International Monetary Fund policy shifts to understand how popular mobilization constrains policy implementation. Responding to popular mobilization between 1985 and 2006, the IMF came to accept divergence from orthodox policy in order to encourage political stability. The government of Evo Morales and the IMF are mutually constrained by concern for the investment climate. This study further advocates that analysts probe beyond simple binary divisions between “neoliberalism” and “alternatives” and look more seriously for pragmatic strategies for negotiating neoliberal spaces.     

Restricting the import of ‘emission credits’ in the EU: a power struggle between states and institutions

This article examines the development of a cap on the use of so-called ‘project credits’ in the EU emissions trading scheme. It investigates how the issue of such a limit was addressed in the negotiations of the Linking Directive, and how it has been dealt with in the later implementation of this directive. The article applies two explanatory approaches: one based on intergovernmentalist theory, assuming that the cap reflected the preferences of the EU Member States; and one based on the multi-level governance model, assuming that the cap expressed the preferences of EU institutions rather than Member States. What is found is a two-stage development: during the negotiations of the Linking Directive, Member States managed to secure a no-cap solution allowing extensive use of the project credits. In the later implementation phase, however, when the emissions trading scheme was up and running and a certain legitimacy for the system had been established, the Commission managed to ‘regain control’ by bringing back a cap. Thus, the project credit cap—and by that, the very nature of the EU emissions trading scheme—has been the subject of a continuing power struggle within the EU—and different theoretical perspectives explain different stages of this process.     

Comparing the effects of community service and short-term imprisonment on recidivism: a matched samples approach

This study uses longitudinal official record data on adult offenders in The Netherlands (n = 4,246) to compare recidivism after community service to that after short-term imprisonment. To account for possible bias due to selection of offenders into these types of sanctions, we control for a large set of confounding variables using a combined method of ‘matching by variable’ and ‘propensity score matching’. Our findings demonstrate that offenders recidivate significantly less after having performed community service compared to after having been imprisoned. This finding holds for both the short- and long-term. Furthermore, using the Rosenbaum bounds method, we show that the results are robust for hidden bias.     

Hardiness as a Moderator and Motivation for Operational Duties as Mediator: the Relation Between Operational Self-Efficacy,Performance Satisfaction,and Perceived Strain in a Simulated Police Training Scenario

Training of police officers is important in order to maintain an effective law enforcement community. The present study investigates the mediating effect of motivation for operational duties on the relation between operational self-efficacy and performance satisfaction as well as perceived strain during a simulated operational scenario. Moderating effects of personality hardiness on the same relations were also investigated. Personality hardiness as a moderator was found only for the relation between operational self-efficacy and performance satisfaction. A positive effect was found for high hardy subjects, and a negative effect was found for low hardy subjects. The results also showed a mediating effect of motivation for operational duties on both performance satisfaction and perceived strain. This could have implication for selection and training in the police force.