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81.
Zambia has held three multiparty elections since its restoration of democracy in 1991. This peaceful transition raised expectations of a smooth process towards democratic consolidation. But similar to experiences in other African countries and Eastern Europe, the Zambian democratic process has remained stuck in a ‘transitional zone’ between actual democracy and authoritarian systems. This article argues that Zambian elections fall short of the expectations of a democratic process due to the institutional uncertainty surrounding elections and the weakness of the Zambian Electoral Commission in particular. The continued uncertainty – of the rules and regulations guiding elections and electoral administration – has maintained the same party in power through three consecutive elections, despite an alarming economic record. 相似文献
82.
Hilde Wermink Robert Apel Paul Nieuwbeerta Arjan A. J. Blokland 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2013,29(4):579-600
Objectives
The logic of incapacitation is the prevention of crime via the forced removal of known offenders from the community. The challenge is to provide a plausible estimate of how many crimes an incarcerated individual would have committed, were s/he free in the community rather than confined in prison. The objective of this study is to provide estimates of the incapacitation effect of first-time imprisonment from a sample of convicted offenders.Methods
The data are official criminal records of all individuals convicted in The Netherlands in 1997. Two different analytical strategies are used to estimate an incapacitation effect. First, the offending rate of the imprisoned individuals prior to their confinement in 1997 provides a “within-person counterfactual”. Second, imprisoned offenders are paired with comparable non-imprisoned offenders using the method of propensity score matching in order to estimate a “between-person counterfactual”. Incapacitation estimates are provided separately for juvenile imprisonment (ages 12–17) as well as adult imprisonment (ages 18–50), and for male and female offenders.Results
The best estimate is that 1 year of incarceration prevents between 0.17 and 0.21 convictions per year. The use of additional data sources indicates that this corresponds to between roughly 2.0 and 2.5 criminal offenses recorded by the police.Conclusions
The current results suggest that, insofar as imprisonment is used with the primary goal of reducing crime through incapacitation, a general increase in the use of incarceration as the sanction of choice is not likely to yield major crime control benefits. 相似文献83.
A gendered reading of the liberal peacebuilding and transitional justice project in Bosnia–Herzegovina raises critical questions concerning the quality of the peace one hopes to achieve in transitional societies. By focusing on three-gendered justice gaps—the accountability, acknowledgement, and reparations gaps—this article examines structural constraints for women to engage in shaping and implementing transitional justice, and unmasks transitional justice as a site for the long-term construction of the gendered post-conflict order. Thus, the gendered dynamics of peacebuilding and transitional justice have produced a post-conflict order characterized by gendered peace and justice gaps. Yet, we conclude that women are doing justice within the Bosnian–Herzegovina transitional justice project, and that their presence and participation is complex, multilayered, and constrained yet critical. 相似文献
84.
85.
Public Choice - Recent micro-level studies have suggested that globalization—in particular, economic globalization and trade with China—breeds political polarization and populism. This... 相似文献
86.
This article reports a study of the possible impact of sociodemographic and interactional aspects of intimate partner violence (IPV) on help-seeking behavior. Do different sociodemographic groups of IPV survivors use different professional supports and treatments? Do different professional support and treatment agencies come predominantly in contact with women who have been subjected to different characteristics of IPV? Do different interactional IPV variables predict whether IPV victims contact the police, a family doctor, or a psychologist or psychiatrist? A representative sample of 157 women recruited from family counseling, the police, and shelters in Norway was interviewed. Three of seven sociodemographic variables showed statistically significant differences among the recruitment groups. No significant differences in characteristics of IPV were found among the recruitment groups. However, there were significant differences between the main categories (physical, psychological, and sexual) of IPV and interactional IPV factors concerning help-seeking. Our findings indicate that the help-seeking of IPV survivors is differentiated and interaction-specific and that they respond adequately to the different interactional consequences of IPV. 相似文献
87.
Human security in post-war societies depends on incentives to forego violence in local interactions. The government of Cambodia
monitors domestic violence, land conflicts and serious crime in over 13,000 villages and urban neighbourhoods. We use three
annual data collections to estimate the response of these conflicts to the legacy of the war, poverty and resource competition,
urbanity as well as governance quality. Bayesian spatial regressions help identify socio-economic thresholds beyond which
conflicts expand or contract significantly. We find numerous non-linearities in the propensities for violence. Notably, predicted
rates decrease in response to quality of governance only at a high level of service provision, which, realistically, most
communities may not soon achieve. This may justify dedicated programmes addressing particular types of conflicts. We propose
alternative analytic approaches, including some that would make the problem of endogeneity more tractable once updated poverty
estimates become available.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Aldo BeniniEmail: |
88.
The decoding of the human genome, aswell as current research on human stem cellsand early embryos, demands new legal andpolitical definitions of the human species.Both the act of limiting research on humanembryos, because they are themselves human, orthe act of permitting such research since theyare not human at all, entail a very newdefinition of the human species. Where politicsis confronted with the task of defining theessence and the anthropos of the human beingand of transforming this definition intolegitimated social actions, we must admit of anincrease in civil procedures. This debate isconstantly pushing at the borders of thedefinition of `humanness'; borders which bothlimit its definition and scope. The biosciencesnot only transgress such borders but alsosubstantially damage them; concerned subjectscannot proceed against such violations of theborders of `humanness'. The transposition of adistinct non-human life form into a human oneis endangering the human being as a distinctspecies. In this case, however, Carl Schmitt'stheory of politics, as an opposition to theenemy, becomes relevant to the human organismitself as it is challenged by the appearance ofnon-human forms of life within it. 相似文献
89.
90.
Dag Wollebæk Susanne Wallman Lundåsen Lars Trägårdh 《Scandinavian political studies》2012,35(4):319-346
Social trust is usually treated as a dichotomy between particularized and generalized trust. In this article it is argued that a third distinct form, community trust, is neither particularized nor generalized and bounded in space rather than persons. Factor analysis of survey data from 33 Swedish municipalities (N = 6,453) distinguishes between particularized, generalized and community trust. Furthermore, regression analyses show that the three trust forms have partly distinct antecedents and linked to different types of behaviours. While generalized trust best predicts leaps of faith in relation to strangers, community trust is the only trust form significantly predicting taking part in local problem solving. Finally, multilevel analysis shows that community trust is the trust form most vulnerable to changes with respect to ethnic diversity and socioeconomic equality. 相似文献