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141.
Luís Pereira Coutinho 《Ratio juris》2015,28(3):326-329
David Luban identifies a tension between Arendt's conception of ethnic identification in a context of persecution and her conception of humanity. That tension pertains to the reality—or realities—that Arendt addresses: the moral reality of her Bildung that appears throughout her work, and is centered on the “dignity of man,” on the one hand, and the divisive, “political” reality that she was forced to face when “attacked as a Jew,” on the other. By implicitly accepting that in a context of persecution one cannot escape the framing relevance of the “political” —an idea that is also present in her imaginary condemnation speech of Eichmann—Arendt betrays a fundamental theme of her work: “forgiveness” and the inherent possibility of a “new beginning.” 相似文献
142.
Y-chromosome polymorphism data in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian populations (eastern Spain). 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
G Jiménez A Picornell C Tomàs J A Castro M M Ramon 《Forensic science international》2001,124(2-3):231-234
Frequency data of the six STRs: (1) DYS19; (2) DYS389I; (3) DYS389II; (4) DYS390; (5) DYS391 and (6) DYS393, and the DYS287 polymorphism (YAP) were determined in a sample of 117 unrelated males from three eastern Spanish populations: 53 from Majorca, 40 from Minorca and 24 from Valencia. 相似文献
143.
This article reports a study of women victimized by intimate partner violence (IPV). We describe three interactional aspects
of IPV: (1) responses and conduct before, during, and after IPV episodes, (2) impact of alcohol and drug intoxication, and
(3) Predictors of risk for IPV victimization in more than one partnership. A representative sample of 157 help-seeking women,
recruited from family counseling offices, the police and shelters, were interviewed about physical, psychological and sexual
IPV. The nature and characteristics of the IPV interactions were complex and heterogeneous. There were significant interactional
differences between the IPV categories concerning the women’s responses and conduct before, during and after the IPV. The
impact of alcohol and drug intoxication was relatively small on the occurrence of IPV. About 75% reported that neither the
perpetrator nor the female victim had consumed alcohol or drugs before the index IPV exposure. Only 23% of the women had experienced
IPV by previous partners. Women who had been subjected to sexual abuse in their family of origin were at almost 25 times increased
risk of IPV victimization in more than one partnership. Childhood exposure to physical IPV between parents increased the risk
of IPV victimization in more than one partnership significantly more than if the woman had been subject to childhood physical
victimization. 相似文献
144.
Manuel Penadés Fons 《The Modern law review》2015,78(2):241-295
English courts are frequently criticised for their flexible approach to the finding of implied choice and the use of the escape clause in the context of the Rome I Regulation/Convention on the law applicable to contractual obligations. This paper argues that such criticism is misplaced. Based on empirical evidence, the article shows that those choice of law decisions are directly influenced by their procedural context and respond to the need to balance the multiple policy issues generated by international commercial litigation. In particular, English decisions need to be assessed in light of three distinct factors: the standard of proof required at different stages of the procedure in England, the national policy to promote England as a center for commercial dispute resolution and the incentives to export English law in certain strategic industries. The use of implied choice and the escape clause to achieve these ends constitutes a legitimate practice that does not frustrate the aims of the EU choice of law regime. 相似文献
145.
Zoltán I. Búzás 《安全研究》2013,22(4):573-606
Race is understudied in International Relations generally and International Security specifically. To mitigate this omission, this article provides a racial theory of threat perception. It argues that, under certain conditions, racial prejudices embedded in racial identities shape threat perceptions and generate behavioral dispositions. In the first step, racial similarity deflates threat perceptions, while racial difference inflates them. In the second step, deflated threat perceptions facilitate cooperation among racially similar agents, while inflated threat perceptions facilitate discord among racially different agents. Using extensive archival and secondary sources, the article illustrates the explanatory value of the theory in the case of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance (1902-23). 相似文献
146.
Hildegunn Kyvik Nordås 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(5):715-733
This article argues that intra‐industry trade with developed countries is an important source of technology transfer. South Africa has an industrial structure that is suited to such trade, but high costs and weak social capacity to assimilate new technology. Therefore, reintegration into the world economy is likely to reinforce dependence on resource‐intensive industries. In the short run this need not adversely affect economic growth, but unless the quality and quantity of education and training are improved, the prospects for rebuilding the technological capacity and catch up with OECD countries are bleak. 相似文献
147.
Luís Cordeiro-Rodrigues 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2016,9(2):226-246
The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) is an activist group, mainly focused on violent and illegal direct action, including destruction of property, the rescuing of animals and the clandestine filming of animal cruelty on animal farms. Here, I engage with three arguments that are often raised against the ALF’s actions, namely these actions are not morally justified because: (a) they are not measures of last resort; (b) they are excessively violent and do not discriminate targets; and (c) they have no reasonable probability of success. I contend that clandestinely filming animal cruelty is morally justified, the destruction of property is not and that rescuing animals is morally justified, if the ALF incorporates some changes as to how this is done. 相似文献
148.
Alejandro Cols 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(4):620-628
In October 2018, a coalition of UK trade unions and civil society organisations called a strike across the UK’s fast food sector in support of a living wage, union recognition and the end to zero‐hour contracts in the sector. This paper takes the day of action—labelled the McStrike—as a starting point for an account of the place of the EU and Brexit in the campaign for fast food rights, as well as the contrasting political standpoints adopted by the different trade unions involved in the action. Brexit is used as a prism through which to analyse aspects of Britain’s contemporary food politics, especially those pertaining to freedom of movement, workplace organisation, and the role of EU legislation in protecting workers’ rights. In exploring the international dimensions of union organisation among the UK’s fast food workers, other, more conceptual considerations regarding the changing nature of public and private food consumption and the incorporation of food‐to‐go into the gig economy are also broached. 相似文献
149.
ystein M. Herns 《Scandinavian political studies》2019,42(2):151-164
This article exploits variation in age among first‐time eligible citizens in Norwegian elections that arises through voting eligibility rules and two‐year election cycles to investigate voting habits. I find that obtaining the right to vote at a lower age is associated with substantially higher turnout among first‐time eligible citizens, however, this difference in political participation does not persist for subsequent elections. Building on the established literature on the habitual nature of voting, the results show that getting young citizens to vote once is not sufficient to create a habit of voting, and suggest that how the voting decision is made matter for the habit formation process. 相似文献
150.
The recent school shootings in Europe and the USA have raised the question of whether victims of bullying run an increased risk of committing violent crimes later in life, but scientific research in this area is scarce. The aim of this work was to investigate whether bullying behaviour is associated with later criminal offences committed in adolescence and young adulthood. We studied a sample of 508 Finnish adolescents (age 12-17 years) admitted to psychiatric inpatient care between April 2001 and March 2006. Data on crimes committed and the age of onset of criminal activity were extracted from the official criminal records of the national Legal Register Centre in October 2008. The Schedule for Affective Disorder and Schizophrenia for School-Age Children, Present and Lifetime (K-SADS-PL) was used to define bullying status, and to obtain DSM-IV-based psychiatric diagnoses for the adolescents. Violent crimes were statistically significantly associated with bullying behaviour, but not non-violent crimes. Furthermore, being a bully was predictive of an early onset of severe violent offences. When controlled for the psychiatric diagnoses of the adolescents, we observed decreased likelihood of criminality among victims. Thus bullying others may increase the risk of violent offences, while being a victim is not a risk factor for criminality. 相似文献