Union participation in economic policy making in France,Italy, Germany and Britain, 1970–1993

This study uses a specially‐developed measure of union participation in economic policy making to classify and compare the historical experiences of France, Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany and Britain between 1970 and 1993 in order to present a clearer view of the variability of union participation in economic policy making in these countries over this period than has been available up to now. It is found that union participation was concentrated in certain areas of economic policy, in particular labour market policy, and that even high levels of participation were not necessarily linked to union agreement on wage restraint. Over the period as a whole, participation was highest in Italy and lowest in Britain and France, but varied considerably over time as well as between countries. These variations were clearly linked to whether the Left was included in the government of the day as well as to the nature of the national union movements.     

Maritime security in the United States: Latent threats and latent vulnerabilities

Americans and their government are seemingly unconcerned about the possibility that maritime facilities and personnel might be at risk to armed violence. Not only are current maritime security efforts minimal, they feature a curious dichotomy: one thrust is directed toward occasional acts of terrorism, the other toward coastal defense in wartime. Despite a manifestly more interactive world marked by the ready availability of powerful, mobile weapons, no serious efforts have been directed toward protecting maritime facilities and personnel in the United States against special operations or unconventional warfare. This indifference reflects the prevalence of the Clausewitzian paradigm in America's attitude toward war and the country's historical experience with coastal defense in the wars of this century. The fragmented structure of civil and military protection available to protect ports and other facilities suggests that protection could not be quickly upgraded in the face of a rapidly‐developing threat.     

Assessing oral skills—time for reflection,time for risk

Abstract

THIS PAPER aims to establish a framework from which we can explain our dissatisfaction with defining what we teach and what and how we assess within legal education. To what extent can we, the professions or the public, have confidence that our assessment processes predict effective professional competence?

We will try to establish this framework by placing the discussion in the context of a workshop of assessment of oral skills run at the 2001 Bar Vocational Course conference. The workshop raised issues which we believe encapsulate the difficulties of measuring performance in such a way that it reliably predicts professional effectiveness. From this we will attempt to highlight the shortcomings of the current teaching, learning and assessment strategies more generally.

We go on to consider the role of student reflection in support of summative assessment: is it a reliable way of helping to plug the competence‐performance gap we have identified? What is its role in summative assessment? What demands does it make on tutor and learner? Since we cannot guarantee to find the best solutions first time, we make a plea for taking the risk of failure as well as success, and trying out ideas.     

Reforming the electoral system of Metropolitan Toronto: doing away with dual representation

Abstract: Since its creation in the mid-1950s, the elected council of Metropolitan Toronto was composed of politicians who had first been directly elected in their home municipalities (Scarborough, North York, etc.)- Over the years, various observers had noted the representational weaknesses of this arrangement, but little had changed by the mid-1980s. Metro concerns often appeared to be overlooked in the interest of local concerns, and lines of accountability from Metro to the public were weak. During the period 1986–88 a provincial government initiative led to a joint review of Metro's electoral arrangements and to enactment of major procedural reforms. By the 1988 Ontario municipal elections a system for direct election of the Metro council was in place. The provincial government's approach to reform, a provincial-municipal task force, merits examination, for the municipal affairs ministry was able to bring reforms forward despite opposition from certain local government leaders. Reviewing this experience sheds light on some of the complexities involved in analysing representational options as well as in assessing the provincial relationship with Metro issues. Study of the reform process utilized here illustrates the ability of a committed provincial government to place discussion of Metro change firmly on the political agenda. Reflection on the procedures and representation issues of the mid-1980s is now timely as the Ontario government is developing a yet larger entity, the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), which encompasses about 40 per cent of the province's population. Sommaire: Depuis son etablissement vers le milieu des annees 1950, le conseil elu du Toronto metropolitain etait compose de politiciens qui avaient d'abord ete elus directement dans leur propre municipality (Scarborough, North York, etc.). Au fil des annees, divers observateurs ont note les faiblesses de ce systeme de representation, mais tres peu changea jusqu'au milieu des annees 1980. Les preoccupations de     

The Voice of the Community in Private Law Discourse

Formalist private lawyers, with their view of law as an autonomous sphere and their emphasis upon allocative rules, tend to approach the issue of the harmonisation of private law in Europe with the following question: are the substantive rights and remedies of private individual actors sufficiently similar within each of the Member States to allow for the unification of autonomous private legal systems. Here the issue is essentially one of terminology. While sceptical voices maintain that formal private law is also a more complex matter of interrelated procedures and practices, many formalists conclude that whilst the terms of rights and remedies may differ slightly throughout Europe, there is sufficient substantive convergence to allow for harmonisation. However, lawyers of a sociological persuasion who see private law as being contingent upon society Ð a process reflexively and recursively facilitating economic activities and responding to social change Ð consider harmonisation to be dependent upon the harmonisation of market practices themselves. This paper, one of the most subtle of sociological contributions, tackles this issue with an innovative eye to the increasing blurring of the distinction between public and private concerns. The voice of Europe is the voice of a political collective and theoretically, under the once sacrosanct paradigm of the public/private divide, should not be heard within the 'individualistic' sphere of private law. However, just as national private law judges are generally responding to social concerns and are seeking to integrate collective voices within a once 'atomised' realm, so too are they taking note of the political voice of Europe: attempting to respond to the desire for integration and harmonisation within their jurisprudence.