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111.
Iain Watson 《Space and Polity》2019,23(1):1-26
The paper re-assesses South Korean unification narratives in the context of territory and critical approaches to territory. From this, the paper identifies a set of underlying assumptions and expectations of South Korean government and civil society. The paper explains why division and unification are commonly assumed as a zero-sum relationship and primarily based on a bounded and homogenous understanding of spatiality and territory. From this, the paper indicates how alternative conceptions of space, networks and territory might be used to recast the site and nature of Korean territorial unification. 相似文献
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113.
Iain Watson 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):537-560
Abstract This paper focuses on the relationship between national security and environmentalism in South Korea. The 2009 South Korean Presidential Committee on Green Growth set a long-term vision for South Korea to ‘go green’. This is promoted as a new state-led development paradigm and a response to new global security risks. The paper identifies official and unofficial contested narratives on development, environmentalism and national security. By focusing on civil society movements, the paper identifies challenges to the exclusionary realist and liberal institutional approaches to South Korea's Green Growth initiative. These alternative discourses of national security are unpacking and reconstructing the relationship between development and environmentalism through the question of who defines ‘national security’ and for whose interests. 相似文献
114.
Raymond Richmond B.Sc. M.Phil. Iain A. Pretty B.D.S. M.Sc. Ph.D. M.F.D.S. R.C.S. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(3):664-668
Abstract: The inclusion of radio-frequency identification (RFID)-tags within dental prostheses has been suggested as means of effectively labeling such devices and permitting rapid and reliable identification of the wearer. Previous studies have suggested that patients will accept denture labeling and recognize the need for such systems. However, they demand systems that are aesthetic, durable, and secure. One concern over the use of RFID-tags is that they could be scanned by third parties without the patient's knowledge. This study categorizes the scanning patterns of RFID-tags both in vitro and in vivo to provide data for patients for the consent process and for forensic dentists to ensure that they are scanning prostheses optimally. The results demonstrate that the RFID chips can only be read when the interrogator is in close proximity to the denture and thus should alleviate any concerns over privacy issues. However, evidence obtained from both the literature and experiments suggests that authorities must agree upon a unified standard for chip and reader specifications and protocols in order to avoid cases in which RFID-tags may fail to be read by an incompatible reader. 相似文献
115.
Iain Watson 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(2):483-504
This paper discusses disaster resilience in the context of disaster risk reduction. It focuses on how the Nepali state, through disaster risk reduction and resilience strategies, is reinventing the ‘diversity’ question in Nepal. Disaster risk management and disaster risk reduction are being used to create a specific form of national identity that paradoxically both segregates and excludes ethnic and traditional communities through a variety of strategies of paternalism and inclusivity. The emerging state-led use of exploiting and capturing ethnic and indigenous ‘traditional knowledge’ is part of the government’s disaster risk strategy. This is sanctioned by multilateral bodies, which further legitimates subtle practices of exclusion through state-led monitoring. This has wider implications for contested narratives on Nepali democracy and federalism. 相似文献
116.
Iain Pirie 《Contemporary Politics》2012,18(4):416-433
The 1997 Asian crisis created a political space for neo-liberal reformers within the Korean state to advance a set of policies that had previously been frustrated. This agenda is widely seen to have stalled following an initial burst of neo-liberal reform in the post-crisis period. Several scholars have argued that a partial reconstruction of an economy dominated by a closed nexus between the state and leading domestic firms is taking place in contemporary Korea. Compared to the 1997 crisis the macroeconomic impact of the contemporary crisis on Korea has been limited. However, Korea initiated the largest fiscal stimulus (in relation to GDP) in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. In terms of the policy environment the impact of the contemporary crisis has been considerable. This paper argues that key aspects of the Korean state's response to the crisis represent a selective limited retreat from neo-liberalism, the significance of which should not be overstated. 相似文献
117.
Which firms oppose action to fight climate change? Networks of input sourcing and sales to downstream customers ought to propagate and reinforce opposition to decarbonization beyond direct emitters of CO2. To test this claim, we build the largest data set of public political activity for and against climate action in the United States, revealing that the majority of corporate opposition to climate action comes from outside the highest‐emitting industries. We construct new measures of the carbon intensity of firms and show that policy exposure via carbon‐intensive inputs and sales to downstream emitters explains this large volume of opposition from non‐emitting industries. Sixty‐six percent of U.S. lobbying on climate policy has been conducted by an extended coalition of firms, associations, and other groups that have publicly opposed reducing carbon emissions. Public opposition to climate action by carbon‐connected industries is therefore broad‐based, highly organized, and matched with extensive lobbying. 相似文献
118.
Iain William MacGillivray 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(6):1046-1066
AbstractIran and Turkey have competed for regional power projection in Syria and sought through cooperation to find a peaceful end to the conflict in the Astana talks, while also at the same time confronting each other in Idlib province via proxies. This simultaneity of competition, cooperation and confrontation in the Syrian Crisis presents a picture of a relationship that is riddled with contradictions and is in effect a paradox. The question that must be asked is, how can we understand this puzzle of competition, cooperation and confrontation in Turkish–Iranian relations in the Syrian Crisis? International historical sociology (IHS) research brings in discussions on the longue durée, narratives, domestic constraints and, most important, the international which can help decipher this intellectual puzzle. Moreover, the ‘relationality’ of each country’s policies in Syria combined with IHS can help unlock the puzzle of the Turkish–Iranian relationship in the Syrian Crisis and provide insight into the debate surrounding the outbreak of war. 相似文献
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120.
Simon Mackenzie 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2014,20(4):503-515
It has been widely opined in discussions around a number of transnational criminal markets that where a global economic supply and demand relationship exists, demand reduction by way of consumer education and ‘awareness-raising’ may be an effective intervention in reducing illicit trade. It seems an obvious and sensible suggestion on the face of it, but just how amenable are consumers to being educated away from purchasing illicitly obtained and trafficked goods, and what are the barriers that stand in the way of that process of demand reduction through awareness-raising? This paper approaches these questions by asking what are the conditions for guilt-free consumption in the international trade in illicit cultural objects. The paper identifies seven such conditions, and concludes that in this global market we are witnessing the playing out of a common social story in which a powerful group of market capitalists and end-consumers employs a range of sociologically developed linguistic and performative strategies to obfuscate or legitimise their exploitation of a group of less powerful victims. If that is the context for the so-called debate about illicit antiquities, crime-reduction strategies involving consumer education seem considerably more difficult to achieve than has been widely recognised in policy discussions on transnational crime. 相似文献