首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   837篇
  免费   27篇
各国政治   98篇
工人农民   36篇
世界政治   85篇
外交国际关系   54篇
法律   347篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   217篇
综合类   23篇
  2024年   2篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   18篇
  2018年   22篇
  2017年   27篇
  2016年   28篇
  2015年   20篇
  2014年   19篇
  2013年   165篇
  2012年   24篇
  2011年   21篇
  2010年   25篇
  2009年   22篇
  2008年   27篇
  2007年   26篇
  2006年   35篇
  2005年   24篇
  2004年   25篇
  2003年   27篇
  2002年   29篇
  2001年   22篇
  2000年   28篇
  1999年   15篇
  1998年   15篇
  1997年   19篇
  1996年   16篇
  1995年   9篇
  1994年   19篇
  1993年   13篇
  1992年   12篇
  1991年   10篇
  1990年   5篇
  1989年   5篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   5篇
  1983年   9篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   7篇
  1980年   5篇
  1978年   2篇
  1976年   4篇
  1974年   2篇
  1970年   2篇
  1943年   1篇
排序方式: 共有864条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Ian Hall 《圆桌》2016,105(3):271-286
This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in international relations. Characterised by an emphasis on engagement in regional multilateral institutions, the use of strategic partnerships, and what is termed ‘normative hedging’, multialignment is being utilised to boost India’s economic development and national security, as well as to project influence and promote its values. The article traces the emergence of this strategy during the governments of Manmohan Singh and its implementation and extension by the new government of Narendra Modi. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in its favour and the ways in which it was been put into practice. It concludes with a brief assessment of multialignment as a strategy, as well as the prospect that it will deliver the dividends expected by India’s foreign policy elite.  相似文献   
122.
Abstract

Whilst the link between international diplomacy and the Olympic movement has been the subject of extensive academic and journalistic enquiry, the experience of diplomatic discourse relating to the relatively youthful Paralympic movement has received little attention. It occurs not just in the context of state diplomacy, where for example the Paralympic Games may provide a conduit for the pursuit of specific policy objectives, but also in relation to the engagement of the International Paralympic Committee [IPC] as an evolving non-state actor in the diplomatic process. The idea of the IPC as an advocacy body engaged through public diplomacy in promoting disability rights needs exploration as an element of the contemporary politics of disability. This analysis considers the relationship between the activities of the IPC and wider lobbying by disabled people’s organisations as a means of leveraging change in domestic and international policy toward disability. In relation to the global development agenda, it also assesses IPC responses to the gulf in resourcing for para-sport as well as related health and education provision between high- and low-resource regions. It considers the response of the organisation from the perspective of public diplomacy and locates that response within the wider diplomacy of development.  相似文献   
123.
124.
Is the British State Hollowing Out?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
  相似文献   
125.
We can make progress in political justification if we avoid debates about the extent of moral pluralism. Just by having a political view we are committed to its realization but also to its defence upon justifying grounds. It would be inconsistent to seek to realize my view in ways that undermined my ability to justify it. Yet justifying a view implies that I am open to challenges to it, and that perpetually draws me potentially into dialogue with all others, regardless of my will, and into structures which allow an inclusive dialogue to take place, with decisions being made, on the basis of open public discussion, with which I may disagree. Thus a form of deliberative democracy, probably with representative institutions, is justified, without any normative assumptions being made.  相似文献   
126.
127.
128.
129.
Journal of Experimental Criminology - Procedural justice training for police officers is designed to improve officers’ interactions with the public. Aside from the fact that it is a given...  相似文献   
130.
The third molar tooth is one of the few anatomical sites available for age estimation of unknown age individuals in the late adolescent years. Computed tomography (CT) images were assessed in an Australian population aged from 15 to 25 years for development trends, particularly concerning age estimation at the child/adult transition point of 18 years. The CT images were also compared to conventional radiographs to assess the developmental scoring agreement between the two and it was found that agreement of Demirjian scores between the two imaging modalities was excellent. The relatively wide age ranges (mean ± 2SD) indicate that the third molar is not a precise tool for age estimation (age ranges of 3-8 years) but is, however, a useful tool for discriminating the adult/child transition age of 18 years. In the current study 100% of females and 96% of males with completed roots were over 18 years of age.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号